2020年12月10日木曜日

ケルトン 2020年12月9日



Conversation with Stephanie Kelton

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文字起こし 00:06 [Music] 00:12 [Music] 00:31 [Music] 00:34 thank you very much 00:36 we are very pleased to have with us here 00:38 um 00:39 a leading economist someone who is 00:42 bringing a new thinking 00:44 in the field of economic theory and 00:45 practice uh professor 00:48 dr stefani kilten she's just written a 00:51 book 00:52 that was released exactly two weeks ago 00:55 the title of the book is the deficit 00:57 myth 00:58 modern monetary theory and how 01:01 to build a better economy we are very 01:04 honored to have you with us here today 01:07 professor kelton good morning how are 01:09 you doing 01:10 i'm very well thank you for having me we 01:13 are very pleased and we are very honored 01:15 to have you in this program 01:17 only two weeks exactly after your books 01:20 have been released 01:21 how would you should we introduce you to 01:22 african viewers 01:24 and readers i'm a professor of 01:27 economics and public policy at stony 01:30 brook university which is 01:32 located on long island in the state of 01:34 new york 01:35 um i've been here for a few years and 01:38 before that i was a faculty member at 01:40 the university of missouri 01:42 in kansas city i taught there for 17 01:44 years 01:45 i served as the chief economist to 01:49 the democrats on the u.s senate budget 01:51 committee for a period of time 01:53 in 2015 and part of 2016. 01:56 i've been an advisor to the bernie 01:59 sanders presidential campaigns 02:01 and i'm currently serving as an 02:04 appointee on the economic task force 02:07 for the sanders biden unity 02:11 task force for the biden campaign thank 02:14 you very much 02:15 professor kelton and we are here today 02:17 with you 02:18 with something new that could be 02:20 summarized in three letters 02:23 mmd modern 02:26 monetary theories how did you 02:30 shift from say so to speak ordinary 02:34 economy and ordinary monetary policy 02:36 to the modern monetary theory how was 02:40 your journey studied economics 02:42 um as an undergraduate and then i went 02:45 off to graduate school i started 02:48 studying economics at cambridge 02:50 university 02:52 and i really had a fairly 02:55 conventional training in economics up 02:57 until that point and then 02:59 i won a fellowship through cambridge 03:01 university and that took me to the levy 03:04 economics institute which is a 03:06 public policy institute or a think tank 03:09 in 03:09 upstate new york and that that's the 03:12 first time i really 03:13 encountered some of the kind of core 03:15 ideas 03:16 that became part of what now we call 03:19 mmt and you know the ideas 03:22 came to me um not from an economist 03:25 really but from someone who 03:27 had worked in financial markets and he 03:30 had a different perspective he had a 03:31 different way of thinking about the 03:33 economy he had a different way of 03:34 thinking about the monetary system 03:36 and government finance and the financial 03:40 operations and 03:41 you know i uh encountered his work and i 03:45 um initially i thought well 03:48 this is so different right from 03:50 everything i've been trained 03:52 to think and understand about things 03:54 like money and taxes and deficits and 03:56 the national debt 03:58 um it didn't feel right at first but 04:01 there was something about it that was so 04:03 compelling 04:04 uh in the way that he explained his 04:06 thinking 04:07 and so i just started investigating on 04:10 my own 04:10 and eventually i managed 04:14 through research and and writing to 04:18 change my way of thinking about a lot of 04:21 things and basically it comes down to 04:23 recognizing 04:24 how the monetary system changed really 04:27 after 1971. 04:29 so we had the bretton woods system in 04:32 place which was a system of fixed 04:34 exchange rates where 04:36 you know 44 countries came together 04:38 after world war ii 04:39 and agreed to fix the value of their 04:41 currencies to the u.s dollar 04:43 and the u.s government for its part 04:46 agreed to convert the us dollar 04:48 into gold at a fixed price and that was 04:51 the monetary system we had 04:52 for a number of years but we don't have 04:54 it anymore and so 04:56 once i started to understand what that 04:59 meant 04:59 you know moving to a floating 05:02 exchange rate a fiat currency and then 05:05 thinking about 05:07 what that implies in terms of how 05:10 government can now 05:11 orient fiscal and monetary policy 05:14 to build the best domestic economy 05:17 possible 05:18 taking advantage full advantage of the 05:20 monetary system 05:22 i realized that we had been 05:24 underperforming we had been 05:26 running our macroeconomic policy in a 05:29 lot of ways 05:30 as if we were still on a gold standard 05:32 and hamstrung by the old set of rules 05:35 when in fact there is a great deal more 05:37 that we could be doing 05:39 to take fuller advantage of the monetary 05:42 system to care for 05:43 our communities and our people to make 05:45 the kinds of investments we know we 05:47 should be making and that we have the 05:48 money 05:49 to do that so it just involved a big 05:53 shift in thinking for me in the field of 05:55 economic theories 05:57 what affiliation will you put yourself 06:00 through 06:02 people have been talking about 06:04 functional finance by professor lerner 06:06 and uh even canadian economy 06:10 what is your affiliation who where are 06:13 the 06:13 former economies that you recognize are 06:16 the 06:16 the previous leaders in this field 06:20 yeah there are so many i mean i i could 06:23 give you a very long list or i could 06:24 give you 06:25 maybe the names of three people whose 06:28 own work 06:29 um is informed by the work of others 06:32 before so i'll start with three and 06:34 you mentioned abba learner or functional 06:37 finance and 06:38 and that's obviously um well or not 06:41 obviously it's important 06:43 in uh in mmt you know lerner was a 06:46 contemporary 06:47 of john maynard keynes so lerner 06:50 understood as keynes did that the 06:53 economy tends to operate 06:55 chronically with a lack of aggregate 06:57 demand with a lack of effective demand 06:59 and so you always have uh unemployment 07:04 that you could be tackling through 07:06 government policy 07:07 so uh abba lerner is one important 07:10 figure 07:11 um wynn godly a british economist is 07:13 another important figure because wynn 07:16 sort of pioneered the work in the sector 07:18 financial balance 07:20 approach and mmt adopts and incorporates 07:23 uh godly sector financial balances which 07:26 is to say 07:27 that we recognize that the government 07:30 deficit is mirrored 07:34 by a financial surplus in some other 07:37 part of the economy in the 07:38 non-government 07:39 sector and the last name i'll give you 07:41 is hyman minsky 07:43 and minsky was i think one of the most 07:46 important 07:47 economists of the last century probably 07:49 best known for his work 07:51 in um the financial instability 07:54 hypothesis 07:54 understanding how economies evolve and 07:58 how balance sheets evolve through time 08:00 and how the financial system itself 08:02 becomes more fragile and subject to 08:05 crises when small events happen 08:08 minsky also was an advocate of something 08:10 he called the employer of last resort 08:12 we call a federal job guarantee so 08:15 those three together godly lerner and 08:18 minsky 08:20 fill out a lot of but not all of mmt 08:24 professor stephanie kelton mmt has been 08:27 there 08:28 more or less for decades 08:31 but you are one of the ones who are who 08:33 are reviving it 08:34 these days how is it that a silence was 08:38 kept on it for so long 08:41 no you need people um 08:44 to pay attention to you and then you 08:46 need people to start 08:48 writing and talking about the work that 08:51 you've been doing 08:52 so i think you're right that it did take 08:55 a very long time 08:56 to get the work out of sort of the 08:59 academic journals i mean this is 09:01 the usual pathway for economists is to 09:04 you know perform research to write up 09:06 that research in the form of 09:08 uh you know academic papers to put those 09:10 papers through a peer-reviewed process 09:13 and you wait a period of time and they 09:14 get published in a journal that's not 09:16 widely available you know these things 09:18 are usually by 09:19 subscription only so the ideas 09:22 are sort of contained in a in a small 09:26 network of people who read academic 09:28 journals 09:29 and it's very hard to make to popularize 09:32 those ideas and so while we did 09:34 that work and we have you know hundreds 09:36 or even maybe thousands of publications 09:39 as a group of scholars um it wasn't 09:42 really until 09:44 journalists and people in the finance 09:46 community really started paying 09:48 attention to the work 09:49 and then uh writing about it you know in 09:52 popular forums and talking about it so 09:55 i think that was sort of part of the 09:56 breakthrough for us and also 09:58 you know probably to some extent um my 10:01 time in the senate and 10:03 being involved with presidential 10:05 campaign probably also helped to 10:07 push the ideas forward we thank you very 10:10 much for leading this 10:11 mmd movement here now let us come to 10:14 your book 10:16 let us consider the title it's already 10:18 puzzling 10:19 the deficit myth in fact there are six 10:22 myths 10:23 and you're going after each of this myth 10:25 and tackling them 10:26 in a very original way and it may 10:30 seem paradoxical to many of people 10:32 giving the thinking that have been 10:34 widespread in the population if you 10:38 agree professor let us start by the 10:40 first myth 10:42 the first myth you say that the 10:44 government budget 10:46 should look like a household budget 10:49 that's why people think they say you are 10:51 the household 10:52 balance your budget people say oh the 10:54 government please balance your budget 10:56 and you say no no no this is a myth it 10:59 is 11:00 please explain it to us and to the 11:01 ordinary people finances that we're all 11:04 most familiar with are our own 11:06 and so when we hear somebody say that 11:08 the government should 11:09 manage its own budget and its own 11:11 finances like a household 11:13 must manage its finances we say yeah 11:15 that makes sense right 11:16 uh except it doesn't make sense uh the 11:19 federal government 11:20 in a country like the us or i say in the 11:23 book like australia 11:24 or canada the japan the uk 11:28 these are all what we can call currency 11:30 issuing governments they have a 11:32 sovereign currency okay they define 11:35 their own currency they call it a dollar 11:38 or a yen 11:38 or a pound um and then they 11:42 tax and borrow only in a currency 11:46 that they and only they can issue so the 11:49 government 11:50 in the united states of america the us 11:52 government is the issuer of the dollar 11:54 that means that it can never run out of 11:56 money it can never have bills coming due 11:58 that it can't afford to pay 12:00 unlike a household right households can 12:02 run out of money 12:03 households can go broke households can 12:06 have 12:06 debt that they don't have the cash flow 12:08 to be able to make the payments the 12:10 federal government 12:11 is different and the key distinction i 12:13 make in that chapter 12:14 is the distinction between the issuer of 12:17 the currency 12:18 and the user of the currency so i'm a 12:21 currency user 12:22 so i have to go out and get the dollar 12:24 in order to spend the dollar 12:26 the federal government is the issuer 12:28 they have to spend the dollar 12:29 before anybody can have the currency 12:33 right so uh makes a big difference yes 12:36 as you are debunking this first myth and 12:39 bring 12:40 us to reality how is it that such a 12:43 self-evident reality 12:45 has not been popular and it's not put 12:47 into practice in public policy 12:49 well sometimes it is put into practice 12:52 but nobody explains it quite that way 12:55 right like so right now 12:57 congress in the u.s and governments 12:59 around the world 13:00 australia and the uk are committing to 13:02 spending 13:04 vastly more than they had originally 13:06 intended to be spending in the year 2020 13:09 because of the coronavirus 13:11 pandemic and the economic fallout we 13:13 will come back to it later 13:15 stepping up and behaving the way that i 13:18 just described like a currency issuing 13:20 government 13:21 they aren't raising taxes in order to 13:23 collect money 13:24 to spend fighting the coronavirus and 13:27 and helping ailing economies they're 13:29 just spending the money 13:31 but the the thing is that we don't 13:34 normally explain it that way 13:36 okay normally we pretend like the 13:39 government is supposed to budget like a 13:41 household and so we hear politicians 13:44 talk about wanting to spend money on 13:46 programs but then 13:47 asking how will we pay for it and as 13:49 soon as they start asking how will we 13:51 pay for it they're sort of back in that 13:53 household 13:54 frame where they're looking for the 13:56 money they're trying to 13:58 raise revenue in order to be able to 14:00 spend like a household would need to do 14:02 there are many implications of what 14:04 you've just said that since the 14:05 government 14:06 is a sovereign in the system of fiat 14:08 currency 14:10 there is the risk and this come come to 14:12 your 14:13 sec the second myth because there is 14:15 isn't that 14:16 a risk of overspending and for you there 14:20 is no such 14:20 risk you say deficits because in the 14:22 second the second myth you are 14:24 attacking is that myth that also is 14:27 widespread and it's thought 14:29 in economies courses it is that deficits 14:32 are evidence of 14:34 of overspending and you say this is a 14:36 myth 14:37 and you you don't agree with it and you 14:39 come with a counter reality to this myth 14:42 please well okay so at first i would say 14:46 that there is a risk of governments 14:48 overspending that can happen 14:50 um but what i'm the myth that i'm um 14:53 pushing back against in this chapter 14:55 is the idea that a deficit itself 14:59 is evidence that the government has 15:01 overspent so i say that is not the case 15:03 we shouldn't think like that we should 15:05 recognize that 15:06 evidence of overspending is inflation 15:09 not a deficit itself okay we have 15:12 deficits and very big ones in the u.s 15:14 right now the deficit is going to be 15:15 something like 15:16 4 trillion dollars this year but it's 15:19 not 15:20 evidence of overspending because those 15:22 deficits aren't creating 15:24 economic problems right they're not 15:26 creating inflationary problems in the 15:28 economy 15:29 so those are very good deficits we those 15:31 deficits are helping to support 15:33 incomes and to support the economy right 15:36 now in fact if anything 15:37 they're probably um still quite 15:40 quite a bit too small they should be 15:42 bigger um 15:44 so the the purpose of that chapter is to 15:47 remind us 15:48 that uh as long as the economy 15:51 can safely handle additional spending 15:55 that is you know without creating 15:57 inflationary problems then the spending 15:59 itself is not problematic 16:01 inflation is the relevant constraint but 16:03 the problem here is 16:05 by this uh safely handling the spending 16:08 so what how do you safely handle 16:10 spending 16:11 is there not a risk of overspending 16:15 if there is no uh anything that will 16:17 guide this spending 16:19 and you yourself you're admitting that 16:21 there's a problem and there is a risk of 16:23 overspending 16:24 it is easy to formulate it but how do 16:27 you put it in practice 16:28 and how will you advise policy makers in 16:31 this regard 16:32 okay so right now congress is passing 16:34 legislation and governments around the 16:36 world are passing spending bills 16:39 so we've already committed here in the 16:41 u.s to spending trillions of dollars 16:44 we have a house and we have a senate the 16:45 house has already passed another 16:48 spending bill 16:49 this one would be 3 trillion more 16:51 dollars on top of what's been done 16:53 the senate hasn't taken that up yet so 16:55 it's it's being held up 16:57 but let's suppose that the senate passed 17:00 that bill 17:01 and authorized another 3 trillion in 17:03 spending 17:04 my position is that right now because 17:08 the u.s economy is 17:09 so depressed because unemployment rate 17:11 is so high because businesses 17:14 are you know um struggling to find 17:16 customers 17:17 as the economy begins to reopen and so 17:20 forth 17:20 we could safely handle three trillion of 17:24 additional dollars what does it mean to 17:25 safely handle that spending 17:27 it means that when the government spends 17:30 another dollar into somebody's pocket 17:32 and they have that dollar and they can 17:34 go out and get a haircut 17:36 or go to the grocery store or put gas in 17:39 the car 17:40 or you know buy a new pair of tennis 17:42 shoes 17:43 if the economy has the capacity to 17:46 supply 17:47 the food the gasoline the tennis shoes 17:50 without raising prices then that is safe 17:53 spending 17:54 right it's only if you pass too many 17:56 bills authorizing too many trillions 17:59 as the economy recovers and you run out 18:02 of 18:03 idle capacity you run out of 18:06 the ability to produce more to meet 18:09 higher demand 18:10 then you're going to create bottlenecks 18:11 in your economy you're going to get some 18:13 inflationary 18:14 pressure but look every dollar that 18:16 government 18:17 spends is a new dollar that exists in 18:20 the economy and then that dollar will 18:22 travel around it will change 18:24 hands it will chase after some goods and 18:26 services and 18:28 when the government ultimately taxes it 18:30 back 18:31 the dollar dies okay it's removed from 18:34 the system so the question is 18:36 how much can the economy keep up with 18:39 in terms of producing more goods and 18:42 services 18:43 to satisfy demand while that dollar 18:45 travels around the economy 18:47 before we reach full employment and so 18:49 the limit really 18:50 for congress is to recognize that as the 18:53 economy recovers 18:55 and gets back to something that looks 18:56 closer to full employment 18:59 that it can stop passing additional 19:01 legislation 19:02 right you don't need to continue to try 19:04 to stimulate the economy 19:06 once the economy has recovered yes as 19:09 you're speaking like that 19:11 um it sounds more or less like old 19:13 canadian 19:15 policy of the 60s or the early 70s 19:18 would you agree with such a statement 19:21 well i 19:22 i will agree that mmt recognizes 19:25 as abalerner did that unemployment 19:29 exists because of a lack of effective 19:31 demand that's what keynes would have 19:33 told us 19:34 and that uh a way to tackle the problem 19:38 is through the use of fiscal policy but 19:40 look you know 19:41 keynesians have by and large for the 19:44 last 19:45 at least two to three decades leaned in 19:48 a different direction they have favored 19:50 the use of monetary policy 19:52 over the use of fiscal policy to try to 19:55 address 19:56 problems like unemployment a 19:59 lack of aggregate demand in the economy 20:01 and managing 20:02 inflation risk and so they really would 20:04 rather see the central bank 20:06 deal with this problem they would agree 20:09 that 20:10 you know once the central bank gets 20:11 interest rates very low 20:13 then it's time to turn to fiscal policy 20:15 to address the problems mmt 20:18 is different right we don't believe that 20:20 monetary policy 20:22 is an effective uh reliable policy tool 20:26 we would prefer to see fiscal policy 20:29 primarily used to steer the economy not 20:32 just in times of crisis 20:34 when interest rates are low and the 20:36 central bank has done 20:37 about all it can but in normal times as 20:39 well so 20:41 mmt is not just uh standard conventional 20:44 keynesian economics but in a moment like 20:48 this we are 20:49 we both agree keynesians and mmt 20:52 economists that fiscal policy 20:54 has to play a leading role 20:57 let us pass to the third myth which for 21:00 me was 21:00 quite strange because uh the third myth 21:03 according to 21:04 to your book is the myth that say one 21:06 way or another we all 21:08 on the hook in terms of that that you 21:10 have these calculations 21:12 that are posted in the streets or every 21:15 americans 21:16 you are because of the government that 21:18 your every american's 21:19 calculated you have thousands of of that 21:22 that you're going to pay 21:23 or you're going to pass it to your the 21:25 future generations 21:26 and you say no professor kelton come and 21:29 say no forget about all this thing this 21:31 is me 21:32 how will you convince people that it is 21:34 a myth 21:35 and that you are coming with another 21:37 reality which is more in line 21:39 with what a better economy should be 21:42 well 21:42 look i think and i say this in this 21:44 chapter i think that 21:46 what we have is not a debt problem or 21:48 debt crisis what we have is a 21:49 communications problem 21:51 we should not be referring to the 21:54 outstanding stock of u.s treasuries 21:57 as the national debt it's just the wrong 21:59 thing to label it 22:01 it's the wrong description the the 22:04 stockpile of treasuries that exist today 22:07 the thing we call the national debt is 22:09 really nothing more 22:10 than part of the net us money supply 22:14 okay they're interest bearing dollars 22:17 that's what they are 22:18 and they were put there over a period of 22:22 you know our history 22:24 because the government spent more 22:25 dollars into the economy 22:27 than it taxed back out and it allowed 22:30 those dollars to be turned into u.s 22:33 treasuries okay that's all that's 22:35 happened so if the government 22:37 has a budget deficit and it spends a 22:39 hundred dollars into the economy 22:41 and it only taxes ninety dollars back 22:44 out it has left ten dollars somewhere in 22:46 the economy okay the government's 22:48 deficit 22:49 makes a financial contribution to some 22:51 other part of the economy 22:53 now it could just leave those ten 22:54 dollars sitting in somebody's hands 22:56 leave them on their balance sheet but it 22:58 doesn't do that it chooses 23:01 to take those dollars back away from 23:03 people and replace them 23:05 with u.s treasuries not treasuries are 23:07 interest bearing currency 23:09 and that's perfectly fine thing to do 23:12 it allows somebody who already had money 23:15 to have more money 23:16 because they get the currency plus the 23:18 interest on top of it 23:20 and that's a choice that the government 23:22 has made we don't have to do that 23:25 but there's nothing inherently risky or 23:28 or dangerous about allowing a portion of 23:31 the money supply to be held 23:33 in interest bearing form and that's 23:35 really all that's going on 23:37 there's nothing to pay back later 23:38 there's it's already been the spending 23:40 has already been 23:41 paid for it's just that we chose to pay 23:44 for part of the spending 23:45 with interest-bearing currency and 23:46 that's really all that's happened 23:48 no they are here a social problem 23:52 and it is right that you started by 23:53 mentioning the communication problem 23:55 because of the anxiety among the people 23:59 the anxiety that the media have been 24:01 producing are people are very afraid oh 24:04 the government 24:05 deficit is too large we have every 24:07 american is going to pay 50 000 24:09 of that so how do you cool 24:12 down this anxiety because it is a real 24:15 problem within the 24:16 the society i wish i had the ability to 24:20 to you know cool the national 24:22 temperature and change the entire 24:24 uh discourse on my own i don't but what 24:27 i would 24:27 uh i guess a step in the right direction 24:30 is to get 24:32 journalists and reporters and 24:34 politicians 24:35 to change the language that they use 24:37 when they communicate with the 24:38 population about what's really 24:40 going on it would be helpful if some of 24:43 our 24:44 federal agencies you know if the 24:46 congressional budget office 24:47 which publishes the long-term budget 24:50 outlook 24:50 instead of you know using words like 24:53 deficit and debt 24:54 if they would communicate differently 24:56 you know they could just as easily 24:58 replace the word deficit or fiscal 25:00 deficit 25:01 with non-government surplus throughout 25:03 the publication throughout the report 25:05 and people would have a very different 25:07 feeling 25:07 don't use national debt use you know 25:11 currency uh interest currency or part of 25:14 the net money supply or 25:15 you know give this thing another name um 25:19 because that would go i think a long way 25:21 toward 25:22 helping people kind of you know reduce 25:25 the level of anxiety that we create 25:27 professor carlton has you assessed 25:31 or you know anyway the implication 25:35 in the producing power of the us dollar 25:38 of 25:38 mmt well i don't think there is one i 25:40 mean mmt is a description 25:43 of how the monetary system works 25:46 and how government finance operations 25:49 work 25:49 right how the government spends what is 25:51 the purpose of taxes what role does 25:53 do bond sales play how does it work with 25:56 the treasury and the fed so 25:58 it's a description of the system we have 26:01 so there is no inherent implication 26:04 for the value of the currency the 26:07 question is 26:08 with that understanding of how the 26:11 system works 26:12 what might a future congress do now just 26:15 look back in time right 26:17 we had a financial crisis in 2008 26:20 congress responded um with legislation 26:23 that increased the deficit we had the 26:26 american recovery and reinvestment act 26:28 they called it the obama stimulus 26:30 and that committed a little less than a 26:32 trillion dollars 26:33 uh in spending and that the deficit 26:36 increased but the deficit 26:38 increased also because the economy was 26:40 so weak right we had a very sharp 26:41 downturn and the debt increased 26:43 and people got very anxious at the time 26:45 i said oh this is terrible 26:47 this is going to require higher taxes in 26:49 the future we're not going to be able to 26:51 um 26:52 you know fund programs and all that kind 26:54 of stuff and then what happened 26:56 you know the republicans get elected 26:58 after president obama we have trump 27:00 the republicans are in the senate 27:02 they're in the house they pass 27:03 huge tax cuts massively increasing 27:06 deficits 27:07 adding to the national debt people said 27:09 oh this is terrible 27:10 this means we're never going to be able 27:12 to spend we won't be able to afford 27:13 things in the future because the 27:15 republicans just created all this 27:17 you know new debt and so forth and then 27:19 what happened 27:20 coronavirus and congress is passing 27:23 trillions of dollars of new spending so 27:26 the point is 27:27 we have been running deficits and some 27:30 pretty big deficits 27:31 in response to crises like the 27:34 financial crisis and the coronavirus and 27:37 also 27:37 just for fun because the republicans 27:39 wanted to pass tax cuts 27:41 and has not let none of that has led 27:44 to a sharp decline in the value of the 27:46 dollar the dollar remains 27:48 strong investors around the world want 27:50 to hold 27:51 our currency and so there is no inherent 27:54 relationship 27:55 between the way the government has 27:58 operated its budget thus far even with 28:01 some pretty 28:02 big deficit spending and the 28:04 implications for 28:06 inflation and the value of the currency 28:08 dollars remain strong 28:09 as you were just answering you mentioned 28:12 taxes 28:13 for the first time and to what uh 28:17 i feel reading your book in terms of 28:21 government spending you put taxation 28:25 not at the highest level as people it 28:27 used to be 28:28 and this is a strange and this is also 28:32 part of what you call a paradigm change 28:35 because ordinary people would think that 28:37 it is true taxation 28:39 that government should be able to 28:42 to manage its business but i don't know 28:46 if i heard you perfectly 28:47 or when i read your book do you mean 28:50 that 28:51 taxation is no more is no or let it put 28:54 it away 28:55 it's no longer important oh no 28:58 taxes are important and i i think i give 29:01 at least 29:02 four reasons in the book why taxes are 29:05 important 29:06 they're not important because the 29:07 government needs our money 29:09 in order to spend and that's the key 29:12 point i guess in mmt is to recognize 29:16 that the government is not revenue 29:18 constrained it doesn't need to get 29:20 dollars from the rest of us 29:22 in order to have the capacity to spend 29:25 its own currency 29:28 that's an important point so recognizing 29:31 that then the question 29:32 so why does the government bother taxing 29:34 it all and 29:35 in the book i tell a little bit about 29:38 how you could start up a currency from 29:40 scratch 29:41 if you if you were trying to monetize an 29:43 economy that wasn't previously monetized 29:46 taxes are a a pretty 29:49 efficient way to go about introducing a 29:52 currency for the first time so you can 29:54 give value to the 29:55 currency to an otherwise intrinsically 29:58 worthless 29:59 token simply by requiring people 30:03 to pay a tax to you or other fines or 30:06 fees 30:07 to the government so i talk about that 30:09 in the book the other important thing or 30:11 another important thing taxes do 30:13 is that they help to regulate 30:14 inflationary pressure if the government 30:17 always just spent its currency and never 30:20 collected anything back again that is a 30:22 recipe for disaster that is a recipe for 30:26 high or even hyper inflation right you 30:28 have to regulate 30:30 the amount of currency that is available 30:32 to chase after goods and services in the 30:34 economy so when i said before 30:36 that every time the government spends it 30:39 gives birth to a new dollar okay a 30:41 dollar is born 30:42 and now that dollar is in someone's 30:44 hands and it can travel around the 30:46 economy 30:47 and you know some government worker can 30:50 use that dollar to buy groceries and 30:52 then the grocer can use the dollar to 30:54 pay 30:54 the um the worker and then the worker 30:57 can use the dollar to pay their rent and 30:59 then the landlord can use the dollar to 31:01 buy gasoline you see so that dollar is 31:04 chasing around goods and services in the 31:06 economy 31:07 until the government taxes it back 31:10 and then that is the death sentence for 31:12 the dollar that and 31:13 and so the trick is to regulate 31:17 the difference between how many dollars 31:20 you are spending into the economy 31:22 and how many you are subtracting away 31:24 through taxes 31:25 so that you don't have excessive 31:28 money creation and spending in the 31:30 economy creating inflationary pressures 31:33 net and taxes are important for 31:35 distribution and for 31:37 you know creating incentives and 31:39 disincentives and that sort of thing as 31:40 well 31:41 the myth number four in this wonderful 31:44 book 31:44 the book titled the deficit myth modern 31:47 monitoring 31:48 and how to build a better economy 31:52 in this book which is really we 31:55 recommend it 31:56 which is fantastic written 31:59 very well written and we can read it and 32:02 even 32:03 if you're not a economist by profession 32:06 it is possible for ordinary lay people 32:07 to understand 32:09 the fourth myth that you're tackling 32:13 is this one it is a miss that also is 32:16 widespread 32:17 and it said that government deficit 32:20 crowds out 32:21 private investment and by doing that 32:24 making the population poorer and you 32:27 come 32:28 and professor kelton comes and say no no 32:30 no this is a myth 32:31 so this is a reality what is the reality 32:34 so look 32:34 imagine that there is a pile of dollars 32:38 somewhere in the world and those dollars 32:40 have been put there by 32:41 savers people who had dollars but didn't 32:44 want to spend everything they had so 32:46 they saved some and they put them in a 32:47 great big pile 32:48 and the story that we're told is that 32:51 those savings are 32:52 available to people who wish to borrow 32:56 now some of the people who want to 32:57 borrow our households some of the people 32:59 who want to borrow our 33:00 businesses some of the people who want 33:02 to borrow our governments 33:04 and so this myth is about telling us 33:07 that if governments are running larger 33:09 deficits 33:10 that that requires them to borrow more 33:14 and so they have to gobble up a bigger 33:17 share 33:17 of the available supply of dollars 33:21 leaving behind fewer dollars to finance 33:24 everybody else okay so now businesses 33:27 don't have the financing they need 33:29 to invest in new capital equipment and 33:31 so forth 33:32 so this myth tells us that deficits are 33:35 bad 33:36 because government deficits crowd out 33:40 private investment they elbow the other 33:42 guy out of the room 33:44 and that business doesn't have access to 33:47 the dollars that 33:48 he needs or it needs to make investments 33:51 which are assumed to be 33:52 more productive than government spending 33:54 so that over time you get a less dynamic 33:58 slower growing economy lower 33:59 productivity 34:01 lower future prosperity and that sort of 34:03 thing so 34:04 in this chapter i just remind people 34:07 that can't possibly be true 34:09 because government deficits themselves 34:12 don't gobble up savings in the rest of 34:15 the economy 34:16 they augment them they increase them 34:19 remember if the government is engaged in 34:21 uh running a fiscal deficit it means 34:24 it's spending more dollars into the 34:26 economy 34:26 than it is subtracting away and that 34:29 obviously means that it's 34:30 adding to the number of dollars that are 34:33 outside 34:34 the government and once the government 34:36 sells the treasuries the borrowing piece 34:39 the government is just trading in those 34:41 dollars that it put in the economy 34:43 for treasuries after the fact so that's 34:45 all that's happening there 34:47 the fifth one was a surprise to me 34:50 because a conventional economy thing 34:53 teaches how you have to balance your 34:56 trade 34:57 you have to export more than you import 34:59 but you come and you say 35:01 that trade deficit people looking at 35:04 trade offices as if america was losing 35:06 is a myth also 35:07 so are you against the exports and are 35:10 you 35:11 in favor of import or in favor of trade 35:13 deficit 35:14 in the us so can you please elaborate in 35:16 this so again i think that this word 35:19 deficit 35:19 is part of the problem once you attach 35:22 the word deficit to something it sounds 35:24 like 35:24 somebody's done something wrong right 35:26 and the trade deficit the the president 35:29 trump 35:30 believes that the us is losing at trade 35:32 and the evidence that we're losing 35:34 is the fact that we have a trade deficit 35:36 so he sees 35:38 dollars leaving the us because we buy 35:41 more goods and services from the rest of 35:43 the world than they buy from us 35:45 and so he pays attention to money and 35:47 cash flows that's what interests him 35:50 so he sees the trade deficit and he 35:52 thinks that means china's taking all of 35:54 our money or japan is taking all of our 35:56 money 35:57 and mmt says well hang on there's 35:59 another way to look at this 36:00 right just like there's another way to 36:02 look at fiscal deficits 36:04 there's another way to think about the 36:05 trade deficit so 36:07 the trade deficit which we tend to think 36:10 of in money terms 36:11 in financial terms is also in real terms 36:15 our stuff surplus right so in exchange 36:18 for the dollars 36:20 that we pay to china or to japan 36:24 um we are importing we are getting 36:27 net importing the cars and the 36:30 high tech and the manufactured goods 36:32 right those are coming to us 36:34 so in real terms imports are a benefit 36:38 and exports are cost think about it you 36:41 put your people in factories 36:43 they work all day long they manufacture 36:46 things 36:47 and then they put them in a container 36:48 load the container on the ship and send 36:50 it to somebody else to consume 36:52 the the imports are the benefit in real 36:55 terms 36:56 right so mmt is in a sense agnostic 37:00 as to um whether the trade 37:03 uh but whether the trade balance is 37:05 positive or negative we just want to 37:07 explain 37:08 more clearly what's actually happening 37:12 and recognize that not every country can 37:15 be a net exporter 37:16 you know for one country to have a trade 37:18 surplus somebody's got to be 37:20 running a trade deficit we can't all 37:22 have trade surpluses 37:24 and it turns out that um the u.s is 37:27 has run persistent trade deficits 37:31 for decades and those trade deficits 37:35 are a source of dollars to many other 37:38 countries in the world 37:39 many of whom for whom it's a critical 37:41 lifeline and i talk in the book about 37:44 you know countries that don't have the 37:46 same 37:47 um sort of luxury or freedom that the 37:49 u.s 37:50 has with respect to its trade balance we 37:52 can sustain 37:54 trade deficits and pretty big ones uh 37:57 and a lot of countries around the world 37:59 can't they need to net export 38:01 to earn the dollar in order to get the 38:03 currency that they need 38:04 to buy critical imports food medicine 38:08 technologies energy that sort of thing 38:11 professor carlton you said something 38:12 that strikes me and 38:14 somehow shocked me i want to make sure 38:16 that i heard you properly 38:18 have you said that imports it's a good 38:20 thing 38:21 and that export is about things 38:25 well what i'm saying is that some 38:27 countries don't have 38:29 much room to choose right for a lot of 38:32 developing countries they need 38:36 to export they need to put their people 38:38 to work 38:39 making uh things that they sell to the 38:42 rest of the world 38:43 because they need a currency that they 38:45 can use 38:46 to buy critical imports so they just 38:48 don't have the same freedom of choice 38:51 that countries like the us for example 38:54 have 38:54 but it is true that um every time you 38:58 build something or manufacture something 39:00 a service whatever it is you provide 39:02 if you don't keep it and consume it 39:05 domestically 39:06 uh you are releasing some real benefit 39:10 to someone else in some other part of 39:11 the world 39:12 right your exports become benefits to 39:15 the importing country 39:16 that is that is true but your capacity 39:19 of exporting 39:21 in the long run will improve your 39:24 capacity to produce different goods 39:26 but if you are not able to compete and 39:28 export 39:29 how are you going to to improve 39:32 and to enlarge your capacity of 39:35 producing goods and services 39:38 yeah so for a lot of countries this is a 39:42 long-term development uh issue 39:45 right you've got to be able to begin to 39:48 transition to make the investments 39:50 in the domestic economy that 39:53 open up the policy space for your 39:55 individual country so that you aren't 39:57 reliant on the rest of the world 39:59 for critical imports that's a tough 40:02 thing for some countries it's going to 40:03 take 40:04 years or even decades to make those 40:07 investments to become energy independent 40:09 to become food independent right to 40:11 develop 40:12 so you know it's not an easy problem to 40:16 solve 40:16 for many countries and this is where the 40:18 rest of the world can 40:20 play i think an important role and i 40:22 talk about this in the book 40:23 in terms of providing aid and assistance 40:26 and 40:26 and helping developing countries because 40:28 what we've ended up with is a situation 40:30 where 40:31 um too many developing countries just 40:34 stay 40:35 developing countries and they aren't 40:37 able to 40:38 get to the point where they become 40:39 developed economies and i think there's 40:42 a lot the international community can do 40:44 to aid and assist countries that 40:48 you know if you just leave them to their 40:50 own devices will continue 40:52 um you know extracting whatever 40:56 natural resources they have and 40:59 you know selling them to the rest of the 41:01 world in exchange for a currency that 41:03 just allows them to 41:04 provide the bare subsistence for their 41:06 populations and we'd like to see 41:08 countries do much much better than that 41:10 what you have just said about 41:12 this uh fifth myth don't you think that 41:16 is quite unique in the world to the 41:18 united states 41:20 given the dollar status i'm not sure 41:22 that japan 41:23 can do the same thing i'm not sure that 41:25 germany 41:26 even though they are highly 41:27 industrialized country even china 41:29 are you not describing something that is 41:32 absolutely unique 41:35 to the status of the united states and 41:37 its currency the u.s dollars 41:40 no i don't think so i mean i'm not 41:42 suggesting that uh 41:44 every country attempt to become a net 41:47 importer that that's somehow the pathway 41:50 to prosperity there again there are 41:53 going to have to be 41:54 a net export for every net exporter 41:58 there's got to be 41:58 a net importer on the other side of that 42:01 right 42:02 but with respect to mmt what i'm saying 42:04 is 42:05 that there are a lot of countries that 42:08 have 42:08 a monetary system and the fiscal 42:11 capacity 42:12 to run their domestic policy their 42:15 monetary and fiscal policy 42:17 to orient them toward generating full 42:20 employment and sustaining full 42:21 employment domestically 42:23 while managing inflationary pressures so 42:27 that's sort of the the goal of mmt is to 42:30 help 42:31 i guess if you want to say it this way 42:33 to help as many nations as possible 42:36 recognize what the fiscal capacities 42:39 of their governments are for those that 42:41 have limited capacity 42:43 either because of the nature of their 42:45 monetary system 42:46 or because of you know certain 42:50 domestic challenges with respect to you 42:52 know what it's 42:53 possible to produce and export how do we 42:57 increase the degree of monetary 42:59 sovereignty 43:00 so that countries can be as 43:03 well suited as possible to care for 43:06 their people and provide full employment 43:09 thank you 43:10 the last the last myth this is really a 43:13 big myth 43:13 because they were an outcry why obama 43:17 started with the obama the obamacare 43:20 these entitlement programs there we have 43:23 a newspaper writing article say 43:27 oh no this is unsustainable uh social 43:30 security 43:31 deficit it is unsustainable medicare is 43:34 unsustainable and you professor kelton 43:37 you're coming and saying oh please cool 43:38 down 43:39 this is sustainable can you elaborate 43:42 and explain exactly what you mean by 43:45 about this six myth social security is a 43:48 program that looks after the elderly 43:50 right it is a retirement program but it 43:52 also provides benefits to 43:55 survivors of people who paid into social 43:57 security and also 43:59 the disabled medicare is health care 44:02 uh for people 65 and older so the 44:05 government is 44:05 promising to do what to pay medical 44:08 bills 44:09 in the case of medicare and to provide 44:12 um benefit payments to pay out benefits 44:16 send checks to retirees their disa 44:19 dependents and the disabled so in other 44:21 words they're promising to spend dollars 44:23 on these programs so the question then 44:25 is it could there ever be a situation 44:28 where these programs become 44:29 unaffordable where the government can't 44:32 come up with the money 44:34 to pay the prescription drug bill 44:37 that someone incurred on medicare or to 44:39 pay for their hospitalization or their 44:42 primary care could there ever be a 44:44 situation where 44:45 um you have a a senior right somebody 44:49 who 44:50 leaves the workforce reaches retirement 44:52 age moves into retirement 44:54 and you can't afford to provide the 44:56 benefits that you've promised to that 44:57 person the answer is 44:59 clearly unequivocally no the federal 45:02 government can 45:03 always afford to meet any financial 45:06 obligation it has 45:07 provided that those payments are due in 45:10 a currency that 45:11 it and only it can create so 45:14 again the u.s government can't run out 45:16 of dollars it's the issuer of the 45:17 currency 45:18 it can always pay any bill that comes 45:21 due 45:22 as long as the bill is denominated in 45:24 our currency we're not borrowing in a 45:26 foreign currency 45:27 so um you know we've been focusing on 45:31 the wrong thing 45:32 we can these programs are perfectly 45:34 sustainable as long as there is the 45:36 political will 45:38 to continue to support these programs it 45:40 cannot be 45:41 a financial crisis it can only be about 45:44 whether 45:44 congress is prepared to continue to 45:47 support these programs 45:49 thank you professor kelton we almost at 45:51 the end but 45:52 let's i have some very general questions 45:56 uh one sentence is your book 45:59 that strikes me and which i think 46:01 summarizes this book is this one 46:04 and i've read that you say spending 46:08 should never be constrained by some 46:10 arbitrary 46:12 target or any allegiance 46:15 to what you say so-called sound finance 46:19 would that be a good summary of your 46:21 book 46:22 yes i think so okay now 46:26 if we look in europe in europe you may 46:29 be 46:29 aware of the mastery criteria 46:32 regarding the target i don't know where 46:35 they get the figure from 46:36 they said the government debt should not 46:38 be over 60 of gdp 46:40 and the government deficit should not be 46:42 over 46:43 three percent of gdp what is your 46:46 comment 46:48 regarding this type of criteria 46:51 well i actually wrote about this while i 46:54 was finishing my phd this became part of 46:56 my doctoral dissertation 46:58 um i i think that if i remember 47:01 correctly 47:02 according to one economist they 47:05 those numbers were chosen because they 47:07 were historical 47:09 averages so not a lot of thought went 47:12 into that except to look at the 47:13 numbers and say well that's about the 47:15 the historical average across 47:17 these countries so we'll just pick these 47:19 numbers um 47:21 i think they're crazy i think that it 47:24 makes no sense 47:26 to commit yourself to arbitrary fiscal 47:29 targets 47:30 one because they're depending on 47:33 changing economic conditions 47:35 you might well need to be running uh 47:38 budget deficits that far exceed three 47:41 percent of gdp 47:42 or uh a debt you might need to allow the 47:46 debt ratio 47:47 to far exceed 60 of gdp the other thing 47:50 is 47:50 these aren't really why set a target 47:53 that you can't hit 47:54 because if the economy goes into full 47:56 meltdown 47:58 as it did after 2008 and as it's doing 48:01 now 48:01 in many countries the the ratio is going 48:05 to take off 48:06 on its own right because it's a debt to 48:08 gdp ratio 48:10 which means if the denominator gdp is 48:13 collapsing the ratio is going to blow up 48:16 and so you look at italy today and you 48:18 can see that the italian 48:20 government is on path to hit a debt to 48:23 gdp ratio of 160 percent 48:26 and you know it's not a manageable thing 48:29 when the denominator 48:31 is not under your control right and 48:33 frankly neither 48:34 is the the deficit so the numerator also 48:36 isn't under your control 48:38 so you don't want to focus on uh the 48:41 numbers that fall out of the budget box 48:43 at the end of each year you want to 48:44 focus on 48:45 numbers that matter right focus on the 48:47 unemployment rate 48:48 focus on real metrics you know what is 48:50 the poverty rate 48:52 um orient your budget to solving real 48:56 problems in your economy and you would 48:58 ideally want to be able to use the 49:00 budget as a tool 49:02 to achieve real meaningful goals 49:06 right rather than to target the budget 49:08 outcome itself the difficulty 49:10 these countries have is obviously that 49:12 they are operating 49:13 with a currency that they can't issue so 49:15 there are differences 49:17 the subtitle of your book is quite 49:20 interesting 49:21 it is modern monetary theory and how to 49:24 build 49:25 a better economy how will you describe a 49:27 better economy and how far are we from 49:29 it 49:30 well i mean it's easiest for me to do 49:33 this 49:34 a better economy so i live in the united 49:36 states okay and 49:37 before the coronavirus pandemic when the 49:41 unemployment rate was 49:42 about three and a half percent and you 49:45 know 49:45 donald trump would say it was the 49:47 greatest economy in the history of the 49:48 world 49:49 no one's ever had a better economy but 49:51 if you look 49:52 beyond that headline number you would 49:55 see that 87 49:57 million americans before the coronavirus 50:00 87 million americans 50:02 either were uninsured or underinsured 50:04 when it comes to health care 50:06 that 500 000 americans 50:10 sleep out on the streets every night 50:13 that 50:13 you know uh 40 percent of the population 50:17 doesn't have 400 dollars set aside for 50:21 an emergency that a half a million 50:24 people 50:25 file for bankruptcy go broke every year 50:27 because of 50:28 medical related debt that child poverty 50:31 you know i could go on and on 50:32 right that there are a lot of problems 50:35 in the economy so when i say 50:37 building a better economy i mean an 50:39 economy 50:40 that works for all of our people and 50:43 doesn't just perform well 50:45 for a small segment of the population at 50:48 the very very top 50:49 so we we have a lot of deficits and i 50:52 have a chapter on this in the book 50:53 called the deficits that matter 50:55 we have a retirement crisis people 50:57 aren't prepared to retire 50:59 we have um a student debt crisis 51:02 we've got 1.7 trillion dollars in 51:05 outstanding student loan debt with 51:07 people struggling not just to go to 51:09 school 51:10 but to then pay back the loans after 51:12 they graduate 51:13 um you know there are a lot of problems 51:15 in the economy and i think that 51:17 the way the book is trying to point us 51:19 in the direction 51:20 of setting aside the obsession with 51:23 balancing the budget 51:25 and getting us to focus on rebalancing a 51:27 lot of inequities 51:29 and plugging a lot of holes in various 51:32 parts of our economy 51:34 professor carton i thank you again thank 51:35 you very much one 51:37 last question relating to africa and to 51:40 development economics 51:41 you are well aware of the action of the 51:43 international monetary funds 51:45 of the world bank how they have been 51:47 advising it 51:49 what changes do you think that modern 51:51 monetary 51:52 theory could bring in terms of 51:55 development economics 51:57 and if you were to advise african 51:59 governments 52:00 in their path to the economic 52:02 development what 52:04 would you say because i do have a 52:07 chapter and much of a chapter that takes 52:09 up some of this but look 52:10 and we talked about this a little bit 52:12 already i think that 52:14 you know to the extent that it's 52:16 possible and it isn't always possible 52:18 but to the extent that it is possible to 52:20 avoid 52:21 borrowing in a foreign currency i 52:24 absolutely 52:25 uh we in the mmt community absolutely 52:28 believe 52:29 that government should do everything in 52:31 their power but 52:33 but the world bank has been working for 52:36 in the 80s 52:37 and 90s to diminish the role of the the 52:39 government in those countries 52:41 they're laying out people the the civil 52:44 servants 52:44 they cut the government budget they will 52:47 impose 52:48 this country to help to balance the 52:50 deficits and to 52:51 what you call the so-called sound for 52:54 sound 52:54 finance that's the issue i want and you 52:57 are bringing a new perspective 52:59 and i think it will be interesting to 53:01 the leaders in africa to hear 53:03 your voice you're bringing a new 53:05 perspective and authority and you're 53:07 demonstrating everything you've chosen 53:08 your book i want you to address please 53:11 very specifically this world bank 53:14 policy on imf and to give you advice 53:16 sorry to have interrupted you 53:18 no that's fine i i think that again it 53:21 it is critically important to understand 53:24 that 53:24 when you go to the imf let's say 53:28 and you're borrowing in foreign currency 53:32 that um you can expect that loan 53:35 to come with a variety of strings 53:37 attached you can expect that 53:39 the imf is going to ask you to 53:42 do structural adjustments where that 53:45 means 53:45 you're going to liberalize your capital 53:47 markets labor 53:49 you're going to relax regulations that 53:51 protect industries and people 53:53 and communities in your countries that 53:57 um you're gonna you know maybe um 54:00 renege on commitments you've made with 54:02 respect to worker pensions 54:04 and and other programs that support 54:06 public sector workers you're gonna lay 54:08 people off 54:09 so what i'm saying is it's a bad deal in 54:12 many cases and to the extent 54:14 that you're able to avoid placing 54:17 yourself in a position 54:18 where you go to the imf and then you 54:20 have to accept the conditions 54:23 of of the loans try to avoid going to 54:26 the imf 54:27 and allowing them to force that sort of 54:30 those sort of structural adjustments and 54:32 policies on your country it's not always 54:34 possible 54:34 to do that but the international 54:36 community can be helpful to you 54:38 in this regard and i think you know look 54:42 debts that can't be paid or shouldn't be 54:44 paid 54:45 we shouldn't be trying to collect on 54:46 them the international community can 54:48 play 54:48 a role here and there can be debt 54:51 forgiveness and we have to 54:52 begin to make i think a a concerted 54:56 effort the 54:57 wealthier advanced countries to help 55:00 developing countries to truly 55:02 develop and that means not keeping you 55:05 attached to the imf and the world bank 55:08 on an ongoing basis where you see them 55:11 as your only lifeline and you never 55:14 are able to to make the kinds of 55:17 investments in your economy they're 55:18 going to allow you 55:19 to become a developed country how do you 55:22 see 55:22 mmt let's say in the coming decades 55:26 and how do you see your role in it in 55:29 particular in the academia 55:31 and in the curriculum in the teachings 55:33 of economic science 55:35 well so i i obviously uh have an 55:39 academic position 55:40 and i get to work with graduate students 55:42 and we have 55:44 you know trained goodness knows how many 55:47 hundreds of students who are now 55:48 themselves 55:49 professors of economics and chairing 55:51 economics departments 55:53 all across this country and beyond so 55:56 it's an important 55:57 um role that we play in continuing to 56:01 educate the next generation of 56:02 economists so that 56:04 there are more people um you know 56:07 in the public policy sphere and in 56:09 academia 56:11 who i think better understand 56:14 the limits on government what 56:15 governments can do 56:17 how government finance works the 56:18 monetary system to be able to approach 56:21 uh policy making from a more functional 56:24 finance as opposed to a 56:26 dysfunctional sound finance approach 56:29 um but also you know i have a role to 56:31 play i think in terms of the public 56:33 discourse and i 56:35 want to continue to be able to do that 56:37 and to engage 56:38 with people around the world like here 56:40 talking with you today 56:42 um and and so i think it's critically 56:45 important 56:46 and the number of people who are 56:48 beginning to gain a better understanding 56:50 and appreciation 56:51 of how it all works i think is 56:53 increasing exponentially 56:55 and i think that can only offer us 56:58 hope in terms of where we have the 57:01 potential to go 57:02 as a global community in terms of 57:05 addressing 57:06 really um significant challenges that 57:09 we're all facing you know climate change 57:11 isn't is an obvious one 57:13 thank you very much professor galton we 57:16 very much appreciate 57:17 everything with us and uh we wish you 57:20 all the best and the success in the 57:23 books to spread 57:24 a new language a new view in terms of 57:27 economics and 57:28 how the government really performs 57:31 to create what we all look we are 57:34 looking for 57:34 a better economy thank you again thank 57:37 you so much 57:38 nice to be with you okay 57:42 [Music] 英語 (自動生成)

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