2021年3月14日日曜日

2021/02/26 Randall Wray - Modern Monetary Theory

2021/02/26 Randall Wray - Modern Monetary Theory
https://love-and-theft-2014.blogspot.com/2021/03/20210226-randall-wray-modern-monetary.html @

https://youtu.be/ZVH9TfK-mOA 

27:00
don't do it this way anymore modern governments do not spend by printing up money in spite of what greenspan said they don't spend that way okay they spend through their central bank and their central bank spends through the private banks so there are two degrees of separation between the sovereign and the subject two degrees of separation that makes it so complicated economists can't understand it okay and so one of the things that mmt did was to investigate to see is this diagram still true it's just behind this veil of two degrees of separation and the answer is yes it's just hidden behind a veil so we peel back the veil okay and so for 25 years we've been explaining how governments really spend how they really spend they do not spend tax revenue and they do not spend paper notes into existence they use banks and central banks so this is the way it actually works today and i we've gone deeply into the details okay i even though i'm peeling back the veil i'm only peeling back a little ways just enough to explain uh in general terms how it's done so when the treasury is authorized to spend they can issue a check that is received by let's say a contractor okay who's building a bridge for the government the contractor takes it to the bank the bank credits the contractor's deposit account the bank sends the check on to the central bank the central bank credits the bank's reserves so how does the government spend now the central bank credits reserves of private banks and private banks credit the deposit accounts of the contractors now today most of this is just electronic we don't even need the paper checks anymore it's all electronic entries okay the key point is for every dollar or every pound the treasury spends bank reserves go up by one dollar or one pound okay by identity that's how they spend what about paying taxes paying taxes just reverses the steps the taxpayer writes a check to the treasury the treasury sends it on to the central bank the central bank debits the bank's reserves and the bank debits the deposit account of the taxpayer and also this is mostly electronic now so most people pay their taxes electronically so we don't even need the paper checks it's just an electronic debit of bank reserves an electronic debit of the taxpayers demand deposits so let me summarize spending always leads to a credit to bank reserves and a credit to a deposit account taxing always reduces bank reserves and reduces the taxpayers グリーンスパンが言ったにもかかわらず、現代の政府はお金を印刷して使うことはありません。彼らは中央銀行を通して使い、中央銀行は民間銀行を通して使うのです。私たちは25年間、政府が実際にどのように支出するのかを説明してきました 政府は税収を使うのではなく、紙幣を使うのでもなく、銀行や中央銀行を使うのです これが今日の実際の仕組みであり、私たちは詳細に踏み込んできました 私はベールを剥いでいるとはいえ、その方法を一般的な言葉で説明するのに十分な程度にしか剥いでいません国庫が支出を許可された場合、小切手を発行することができますその小切手を、例えば政府のために橋を建設している業者が受け取ります。銀行は請負業者の預金口座に入金します 銀行は小切手を中央銀行に送ります 中央銀行は銀行の準備金に入金します 中央銀行は民間銀行の準備金に入金します 民間銀行は請負業者の預金口座に入金します 今日ではほとんどが電子化されています 紙の小切手はもう必要ありません すべて電子入力です 重要なのは、国庫が1ドルまたは1ポンド支出するごとに 銀行の準備金が1ドルまたは1ポンド増えるということです これがIDによる支出方法です 納税はどうでしょうか?納税者は国庫に小切手を書き、国庫はそれを中央銀行に送ります 中央銀行は銀行の準備金を引き落とし、銀行は納税者の預金口座を引き落とします 今はほとんどが電子化されているので、ほとんどの人が電子的に納税しているので、紙の小切手は必要ありません 銀行の準備金が電子的に引き落とされ、納税者の要求払い預金が電子的に引き落とされるだけです 要約すると、支出は常に銀行の準備金と預金口座への信用につながります 課税は常に銀行の準備金を減らし、納税者を減らします

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30:00
now so most people pay their taxes electronically so we don't even need the paper checks it's just an electronic debit of bank reserves an electronic debit of the taxpayers demand deposits so let me summarize spending always leads to a credit to bank reserves and a credit to a deposit account taxing always reduces bank reserves and reduces the taxpayers demand deposit if spending is greater than taxing that means reserves are net credited because more reserves are added then taken away so that is how that is the accounting consequence of a budget deficit it's a reduction of bank reserves uh sorry an increase of bank reserve a government surplus is a reduction of bank reserves okay so what does the central bank do the sender mike facilitates payments buy into the state payments by the state e-flux money that is gets it into the economy taxes reflux money they don't finance government spending they're used for redemption okay so they reduce uh the accounts of the taxpayers and the reserves of the banks bonds don't really finance the deficit if a deficit has occurred if government spending has been greater than taxes the uh it has already been paid for by the credits to bank reserves and to the accounts of the recipients of the government spending the deficit has already been paid for before the bonds are ever sold the deficit is exposed it's after the reflux of taxes and you you over the course of the year when you're spending a taxing you don't even know if at the end of the year you're going to record a budget surplus budget deficit or a balanced budget you won't know till the end of the year and usually it takes several revisions of the data before you really know whether there was a deficit at all what that means is that as you're spending over the course of the year you don't know if you're gonna end up with a deficit which also means there's no such thing as deficit spending all spending is the same at the time that it occurs you don't even know whether you can have a budget deficit or a budget surplus or a balanced budget you cannot know until the end of the accounting period usually a year bond issues then are not to finance deficits they're actually functionally a part of monetary policy they're not a borrowing operation sovereign governments actually don't borrow their own currency which would be a nonsensical operation anyway a sovereign government never needs to borrow its own currency it issues bonds for a different purpose it issues bonds as part of monetary policy to help the central bank hit its interest rate targets and we see how nonsensical it is to issue bonds uh for the all the way since the global financial crisis because central banks have been engaged in qe what is qe it just means so you put some bonds into the economy and then you took them right back out and the central bank is holding them so the government is owing itself there was never a need to issue those bonds in the first place okay and so this is starting to be recognized that selling bonds is not necessary at all whether you have a deficit or not because sovereign governments don't borrow the danger is excess spending not excess money government spending takes one form only there's no such thing as a choice let's see should i use tax revenue or should i borrow or should i print money there is no such choice there's only one way you spend i already described it so congress or parliament authorizes the spending treasury cuts the checks the syndromic clears them by crediting reserves the budgetary outcome is known only exposed okay as stephanie kelton my former student and colleague always says cash registers do not discriminate cash register doesn't care if you came from the government or you came from the private sector too much spending government or private can cause inflation keynes said true inflation only occurs beyond full employment okay if you're beyond full employment you get what you what he called true inflation before full employment you can have prices rising but he called that semi-inflation not true inflation it occurs because of bottlenecks or perhaps pricing power could be labor unions could be monopolists that have pricing power 

ほとんどの人が電子納税をしているので 紙の小切手は必要ありません 銀行の準備金が電子的に引き落とされ 納税者の要求払い預金が電子的に引き落とされます 要約すると 支出は常に銀行の準備金と 預金口座の信用につながります 課税は常に銀行の準備金を減らし 納税者の要求払い預金を減らします 支出が課税より大きければ 準備金が純増するということです 支出が課税を上回ると、準備金は純増します。準備金が増えて減ったからです。つまり、財政赤字の会計上の結果は、銀行の準備金の減少です。 還流したお金を経済に取り込む 税金 還流したお金は政府の支出を賄うものではなく 償還のために使われます つまり、納税者の口座と銀行の準備金を減らします 債券は実際には赤字を賄うものではありません 赤字が発生した場合、政府の支出が税金を上回った場合、銀行の準備金や受取人の口座へのクレジットによってすでに支払われています。国債が売られる前に赤字はすでに支払われています 赤字が露呈するのは税金が還流した後です 税金を使っているときは、年末に財政黒字になるのか、財政赤字になるのか、それとも均衡財政になるのか、年末にならないとわかりません。つまり、1年の間に支出しても、最終的に赤字になるかどうかはわからないということです。つまり、赤字支出というものは存在せず、すべての支出は発生した時点で同じであるということです。財政赤字になるのか、黒字になるのか、あるいは均衡財政になるのか、通常1年の会計期間が終わるまでわからないのです。 国債の発行は赤字を補填するためのものではなく、実際には金融政策の一部であり、借り入れのためのものではありません。中央銀行が金利目標を達成するために、金融政策の一環として債券を発行するのです。世界金融危機以来、中央銀行はQeに取り組んできたので、債券を発行することがいかに無意味であるかがわかりました。中央銀行が国債を保有しているので、政府は自分自身に借金をしていることになります そもそも国債を発行する必要はなかったのです だから、赤字であろうとなかろうと、国債を売る必要はないということが認識され始めています 主権国家の政府は借金をしないので、危険なのは過剰な支出であり、過剰な資金ではありません 政府の支出には一つの形しかありません 選択肢などありません 選択肢としては、税収を使うのか、借金するのか、お金を印刷するのか......そのような選択肢はありません 支出の方法は一つしかありません 私がすでに説明したように、議会や国会は支出を承認します 国庫は小切手を切ります シンクロミックは準備金を入金して小切手を決済します 予算の結果は知らされるだけです ステファニー・ケルトン(私の元生徒で同僚)がいつも言っているように、レジは差別しません。レジは差別しない レジは政府から来た人も民間から来た人も気にしない 政府も民間も支出が多すぎるとインフレーションを起こす ケインズは真のインフレーションは完全雇用を超えたところでしか起こらないと言っています 完全雇用を超えたところでは、彼が真のインフレーションと呼んだものが得られます 完全雇用の前は物価が上昇しますが、彼はそれをセミインフレーションと呼んでいます 真のインフレーションではありません。 真のインフレーションではありません ボトルネックや価格決定力が原因です 労働組合や価格決定力を持つ独占企業が原因かもしれません

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愛と盗難:2021/02/26 RandallWray-現代貨幣理論

 こんにちは皆さん、今日はご参加いただきありがとうございます。私の名前はアレクサンドラです。私はオックスフォード経済問題のコミュニティメンバーです。今期のすべてのイベントはオンラインで、すべてFacebookページでストリーミングされ、YouTubeにポップ投稿されます。その後、先週、経済学の非植民地化について話していたヴァン・グレイヴン博士がいました。彼女の講演の記録は、YouTubeで見つけることができます。次のイベントは明日で、ホビットが経済学の多元性について話しているニュースがあります。今週のFacebookでのイベントに興味があれば、ミズーリ大学カンザス校の経済学教授であり、新しい大学のレベル経済研究所の上級学者であるrandallwright教授を迎えることができてとてもうれしく思います。ヨーク彼はの著名な支持者です金融政策とシステム政策のランダムな権利に関する従来の見方に異議を唱える現代貨幣理論は、編集された本や経済問題のジャーナルを含む学術ジャーナルに広く公開されています。現代貨幣理論の観点からの進行中のパンデミックに対する現代金融政策の対応今日の会議の形式は45分間の講演であり、その後、聴衆からの15分間の質問で、私たちの説明にリンクを投稿しました。フェイスブックイベントええと、私たちのフェイスブックのように、ええと、もしあなたが質問をしたいのなら、あなたが教授に尋ねたい質問があるなら、あなたはこのリンクに行き、そして私たちに私たちの質問をするべきですiiは後に待機しますええと、話してくれてありがとう。ライト教授、今日ここに来てくれてとてもうれしいです。準備ができたら、コミュニケーションを始めましょう。招待してくれてありがとう。画面を共有させてください。 mできませんでした。その間、修正を1つだけ行います。umkcを退職したので、そこでは教えません。吟遊詩人と休暇で教えます。あなたが落ちる可能性があると思うので、今すぐ試してみましょう。大丈夫です。これで大丈夫です。始めましょう。私たちは多数のパンデミックに直面しているので、今では19の誓約があります。おそらく数年ごとにこの病気のさまざまなバージョンが私たちを襲うでしょう私たちはまた、米国で気候大惨事のパンデミックを抱えています少なくとも私たちは永遠の戦争の人種差別のパンデミックを持っていますオレゴンの西部と火の季節、カリフォルニアの王子は一年中、富と仕事を収容する医療教育へのアクセスの不平等のパンデミックがあります私たちは貧困失業ホームレス金融化世俗的な停滞難民の海面上昇のパンデミックを持っています切望された危機が多くの人々を襲ったとき、何度も何度もパンデミックが続く可能性があり、多くの人々がmmtについて話し始めました。ええと、私たちは中央銀行を使ってヘリコプターのお金を経済に投下するという切望された対応に資金を提供するこの新しい方法を見つけたと言います。これはmmtであり、ええと日本はしばらくの間mmtをやっています。すべてがそれを採用するつもりですが、私たちは非常に注意する必要がありますmmtは危機のためだけです私たちは危機でのみそれを使用しますそれは潜在的にインフレであり、ハイパーインフレでジンバブエの土地に私たちを駆り立てる可能性があるので非常に危険です第一に、私たちは複数の恒久的なパンデミックの時代にあります危機は終わらないでしょう第二のmmtは、現代政府が費やす唯一の方法があると言いますええと、これはあなたが危機にのみ適用するものではありませんmmt政府が実際に費やす方法を正確に説明します。つまり、中央銀行は銀行の準備金をクレジットし、銀行は受取人の預金をクレジットします。これは、それを推奨するポリシーではないという説明です。危機で使用するポリシーではありません。これは現代の政府が大丈夫に使う方法です。したがって、mmtは主に説明であり、政府が自国通貨を発行している国を分析するためのフレームワークであると言えます。オーソドックスな見方とは大きく異なりますが、オーソドックスな見方は、通常は課税してから収入を使うということです。特に不況時には、限られた借り入れで大丈夫です。持続可能性の条件と主なものは、金利を超える成長率が必要であるか、問題は、債務返済が経済の規模に比例して成長し、政府の利子支出が成長し、政府が無制限に成長する可能性があることです。政府は民間部門ほど効率的ではなく、金利を押し上げるため、成長率を低下させる傾向がありますが、政府支出の増加により、利子への支出を賄う必要があります。これは混雑理論であるため、すべての政府借入は押す金利を上げると、成長が遅くなるので、金利を下回る成長になります。さらに、債務は孫に負担をかけます。あなたの多くは孫であり、これを支払う必要があります。戻って、ええと、あなたはすべての古い世代があなたが返済しなければならないこの負債のすべてをあなたに残していることを知っています、そしてその結果はあなたに多くの負担をかける遅い成長の重い負債になります私たちは長期的な停滞に終わるでしょう一方、政府はその支出を支払うためにお金を準備するかもしれませんが、それはインフレを引き起こし、それから私たちはジンバブエに戻って、祖父母が使っていた教科書を書いたポール・サミュエルソンが彼の日のメインキューを言うつもりだったのを避けなければなりませんが、彼はとにかくインタビューをしました。 1974年にブログのマークブラウでそれをオンラインで見つけることができます私はそれをグーグルで検索することをお勧めしますマークブラウグによるサミサンのインタビューそれは非常に興味深いので私は青で長い引用をしています基本的に彼が言っているのは、私たちが毎年話しているのか景気循環全体で話しているのかにかかわらず、予算のバランスを取る必要性を秘密にしておくことができるということです。私たちが子供たちに話す厳しいおとぎ話のように、森の中のオオカミが森の中を歩き回らないように、私たちは政治家を怖がらせなければなりません。彼らが走ると、あらゆる種類の悪いことが起こります。予算不足大丈夫それは真実ではありませんが、秘密を守ってくださいそれを出さないでください猫を袋から出さないでください最近では、世界金融危機の間にFRBの議長を務めたベン・ベルナンケgfcの余波で世界金融システムを救済するために合計29兆ドルがあったので、議会は彼を非常に心配して電話をかけました。彼は連邦準備制度が納税者のお金で何をしているのか見て、彼らは彼にあなたが使っているのかと尋ねました。彼が言った金融システムを救済するための納税者のお金税金ではなく、コンピュータを使用してアカウントのサイズをマークアップするだけです。キーストロークだけです。税金を使っていません。銀行のアカウントにキーストローククレジットを使用します。彼は、これが政府が実際に費やしている方法であると述べました。中央銀行は、ベルナンケが質問される前に、前の議長の財務またはアラン・グリーンスパンのすべての支払いを行うため、財務がまたがるとき、それが依然として中央銀行のキーストロークである理由を説明します。私たちの社会保障制度多くの人々は、私たちの高齢化社会と社会保障が崩壊することを恐れており、グリーンスパンは、私たちがいつでもそうするためにお金を印刷できるので、米国はそれが持っている負債を支払うことができないと言いました'sデフォルトの確率がゼロ約束された社会保障の支払いを含むドルでの債務をデフォルトにすることを強制することはできません大丈夫今彼は印刷されたお金は大丈夫だと言いましたそれは正確ではありませんベルナンケは正確でしたそれはキーストロークです私たちはそれらのクレジットを退職にキーストロークします高齢者のアカウント私たちはお金を使い果たすことができないので、mmtビューは正統なビューの正反対ですそれは税金ではありませんそれは税金ではありませんそれは支出しますそしてあなたが最初に使う税金そしてあなたはあなたが経済から取り除くことができない税金あなたはしていませんすでに投入されており、税金は銀行準備金の借方記入によって支払われます銀行は、税金を支払う前に準備金を持っている必要があります。準備金は、中央銀行の購入または中央銀行の貸付からのみ取得できます。他の銀行準備金のソースはありません。だから、マジシャンのショーに行って、マジシャンが驚いたふりをしてウサギを帽子から引き抜くときに準備金が入れられるまで、税金を支払うことはできません。彼がそれを引き出す前に帽子をかぶったウサギはあなたができる」予備のウサギを帽子から引き抜く前に予備のウサギを帽子に入れなければならない予備についても同じことが言えます。これはほとんどの人にとって驚くべきことですが、私は推測します。皆さんはマクロ経済学の原則を研究し、漏れを得る前に注入を行う必要がある注入漏れアプローチを学びました。注入は収入を生み出し、それが最初に循環流注入から漏れ、次に漏れは何ですか?よくあなたはいつも投資を研究します注射貯蓄は漏れです貯蓄が漏れる前に投資が最初に来なければなりませんあなたは投資を通して収入を生み出さなければなりませんそしてあなたは同じことを節約することができます政府支出にも当てはまります」■注射税は、税金に漏れる前に最初に支出しなければならない漏れです。2番目の税金はおそらくあなたのクラスでは強調されていません。私のクラスでは強調されていますが、原則が同じである場合、私たちが使うと言うとき、マクロ経済学へのケインジアンのアプローチと完全に一致する税金は、まだ残っているか、マンカスを含む教科書に残っています。 mmtは、国のソブリン通貨を分析するためのフレームワークを提供するので、お金の入力から始めます。お金の入力は、国の通貨または口座のお金の金融株で表され、流入は、口座のお金の観点からも測定されます。金融システムを、お金の観点からクレジットとデビットを追跡する巨大な電子スコアボードと考えてください。チャールズ・グッドハートは1996年に、3つの異なるバージョンの論文について書いています。歴史的にはバビロニア時代にさかのぼります。各国が独自の通貨を持っているのを観察します。なぜそれが1つの国であるのか1つの通貨であるため、偶然ではありません。すぐに彼の理由にたどり着きます。米国では大丈夫です。私たちの憲法は実際に議会だけがお金を生み出すことができると言っています、そして時々人々はこれを持ち出しますそして彼らは議会だけがこれをすることができると非常に明確に言っているので銀行がお金を作ることは違憲だと言いますしかし私の教授はハイマンミンスキーでしたそして彼は使用しました誰もがお金を稼ぐことができると常に言うことは、これら2つのことの間にある種の対立があるように見えますが、実際には、国だけがuの口座ドルのお金であるお金を生み出すことができるわけではありません。英国でポンドを稼ぐと、私たち全員が名目値のお金のことやお金の記録の記録を作成できます。これは、州の口座のお金で表されるお金の記録を記録している金融システムのスコアボードに記録しているものです。州が口座のお金を選択し、取引と金融資産および金融負債をその口座のお金と呼ぶという意味で、それは州の独占であるということは、それらはすべて負債であるという階層がありますが、ミンスキーが言ったように、誰でもお金を作ることができます問題はそれを政府に受け入れさせることです」sioは、私たちが通貨または債券と呼ぶものを使用します。これは経済で最も受け入れられるものであり、ピラミッドの下には銀行があり、下には非金融会社があり、下には中小企業や家計があり、それらはすべて債務建てです。アカウントのお金ではそれはお金の記録ですええと、しかし私が最初に80年代初頭に教え始めたとき、彼らは受け入れの程度が異なります私は私の学生に米ドルを裏付けるものを尋ねましたそして学生の大多数はそうではなかった金をよく言うでしょう確かに、ニクソン大統領がブレトンウッズシステムを去った70年代初頭に、私たちは金本位制から外れていたので、そうではありませんでした。それでも本当ですが、私がすることは、私が自分の財布を取り出し、1ドルの請求書を取り出し、このメモが公的および私的すべての債務の法定通貨であると書かれていることを彼らに読みます。私はカナダドルを取り出しますこのメモは法定通貨ですオーストラリアドルこのオーストラリアのノードは法定通貨ですそれで大丈夫というパターンが表示されますので通貨を裏付けるのはそれが法定通貨であるということですそして私は英国ポンドを取り出します女王と女王の写真は私が要求に応じて持ち主に5ポンドの合計を支払うことを約束すると言いますこれは5ポンドのメモに書かれていますあなたが彼女に5ポンドのメモを持ってくると彼女はあなたに5ポンドのメモを与えるか合計5ポンドのコインの合計は大丈夫なので、金ではありません」法定通貨ではないかもしれませんが、一般的にはそうではないかもしれませんが、一般的には、その価値は法定通貨によって決定される法定通貨であると説明されています。法定通貨は政府の法定通貨であり、その背後にはそれ以上のものがあると主張していますが、それは金ではありませんが、背後に何かが立っていると主張しています。それはお金の価値であり、通貨が使用される理由は力のためです。発行当局の大丈夫なので、お金の記録は償還の約束です彼らは借金を償還する約束ですそして良い心がこの質問を彼が答えた方法で提起したときあなたはそれを知っているということですある国の1つの通貨が主権力の政治的独立と財政当局と結びついているのを見るのは偶然ではないので、ソビエト連合が崩壊したとき、それぞれの新しい国が彼ら自身の通貨を選んだのも不思議ではありません。彼らの政府は財政当局を創設しているので、通貨を動かすものに焦点を当てるのは、主権当局が簡単に国民に課すことができる義務です。今日、政府が人々に課す主な義務は税金ですが、私たちが行くなら、税金はお金を動かすと言います数百年前にさかのぼると、主な義務は料金と罰金でした。s政府が人口に負担をかけることができることを支払う義務は、政府がその口座のお金で建てられた通貨を発行し、それを納税税で受け入れます。これは、通貨が償還されるときに償還されるという用語の意味です。政府と納税者の両方が償還されたときに税金などの義務を果たすために発行者に返済されますそれは同時に償還されます納税者はもはや税金を負っていないので償還されます通貨が償還されたために政府は償還されますちなみに、私たちが税収に使用する英語の収入は、政府に返還するものに返還することを意味します。s通貨は政府に返還され、複式簿記であったこの素晴らしい革新について常に耳にすることを知っていますが、金銭会計は常に4回簿記です。税金を支払うと4つのエントリが消去され、資産と負債があります。それはきれいに拭かれ、政府は資産と負債をきれいに拭きました私は歴史的な例で例を続けていくことができる1つの歴史的な例を挙げたいですが、これは特に明確なので、ファーリー・グラブはアメリカ植民地通貨の権威の1つですアメリカの植民地はコインを発行することを許可されていなかったので、イギリスの王冠は植民地が王冠の古い独自のコインを使用することを望んでいたので許可しませんでしたが、彼らができないとは何も言わなかった抜け穴がありました紙幣を発行する今では中国で長い間紙幣が発行されていましたが、これは西側で使用された紙幣の最初の大きな例だったので、植民地議会は政府が発行することを許可するという法律を可決しました。たとえば、10000バージニアポンド相当の紙幣を発行すると同時に、彼らが償還税と呼ぶものを課す新しい税を制定し、約10000ポンドを調達すると予想される償還税は、紙幣を使用して新しい税金を支払うことができます。紙幣の需要を生み出し、アダム・スミスは彼の本の中でこれについて言及しています。彼は、紙幣を発行している植民地でこの奇妙なことが起こっていると述べ、それは受け入れられ、彼らがいる限りインフレを起こさないあまり大丈夫発行しないでください、それで彼はこれに気づきました、そしてそれは」これらの植民地政府は、彼らが何をしているのかを知っていて、それを償還税と呼んでいることを非常に明確にしています。あなたが最初に使ったメモを使わなかったそれからあなたはあなたが燃やすあなたの税収入で何をしますかあなたはそれを燃やしますあなたは税金を支払うために使われるすべてのメモを燃やしますこれはヨーロッパ全土にも当てはまりました。ヨーロッパのほとんどの主権政府は、タリースティックの木製スティックを発行することに費やしました。それらを受け取ったときに在庫とスタブがあり、それらを受け取って一致させたときにタリースティックを燃やしました。あなたはあなたがしない税収入でしますか?それを使うあなたはそれを燃やしますあなたはそれらを溶かして新しいコインを発行します大丈夫ですそれで税金は使った後に来ますそしてあなたはそれが働いていた方法で火のために収入を使うのはとても簡単でとても簡単でした明白で、植民地政府はそれを完全によく理解していると言っています。最初に通貨を使って税金を回収し、次にそれを燃やします。現代の政府はお金を印刷することによってお金を使うことはもうありません。グリーンスパンがそのように費やしていないと言ったにもかかわらず、彼らは中央銀行を通して過ごし、中央銀行は民間銀行を通して費やしているので、ソブリンとサブジェクトの間には2度の分離があり、それは非常に複雑ですエコノミストはできます」それは大丈夫だと理解しているので、mmtが調査したことの1つは、この図がまだ真実であるということです。これは、2度の分離のこのベールのすぐ後ろにあり、答えは「はい」です。ベールの後ろに隠れているので、ベールをはがします。さて、25年間、私たちは政府が実際にどのように実際に費やしているのかを説明してきました。彼らは税収を使わず、紙幣を使わずに銀行や中央銀行を利用しているので、これが今日の実際の仕組みです。ベールを剥がしているのに、詳細を深く掘り下げました。財務省が支出を許可されている場合に、それがどのように行われるかを一般的に説明するのに十分な方法で少しだけ剥がしているだけです。請負業者が受け取った小切手を発行します。s政府のための架け橋を構築する請負業者はそれを銀行に持ち込み、銀行は請負業者の預金口座に貸方記入します銀行は中央銀行に小切手を送ります中央銀行は銀行の準備金を貸方記入します民間銀行と民間銀行の多くが請負業者の預金口座にクレジットを入れています今日、これのほとんどは電子的なものであり、紙の小切手も必要ありません。すべての電子的なエントリは大丈夫です。重要なポイントは、財務省が銀行に費やすすべてのドルまたはすべてのポンドです。準備金はアイデンティティによって1ドルまたは1ポンド増加します。これは、税金の支払いについての支出方法です。税金の支払いは、納税者が財務省に小切手を書き込み、財務省が中央銀行に送金する手順を逆にします。中央銀行は銀行から借方に記入します。s準備金と銀行が納税者の預金口座から借方に記入します。これは現在ほとんど電子的であるため、ほとんどの人が電子的に税金を支払うので、紙の小切手も必要ありません。銀行の電子借方は納税者の電子借方です。要求払預金なので、支出は常に銀行準備金への貸方につながり、預金口座への貸方課税は常に銀行準備金を減らし、支出が課税よりも大きい場合は納税者の要求払預金を減らします。つまり、準備金が追加されるため、準備金は正味貸方になります。それから取り去られたので、それはそれが予算不足の会計上の結果である方法です」銀行準備金の削減ええと申し訳ありませんが銀行準備金の増加政府の余剰は銀行準備金の削減ですそれで中央銀行は何をしますか送信者マイクはそれを得る州のe-fluxお金による州の支払いへの支払いの購入を容易にします経済税に逆流するお金彼らは償還のために使われる政府支出に資金を提供しないので大丈夫です彼らは納税者の口座を減らし、銀行の債券の準備金は政府が赤字が発生した場合に実際に赤字に資金を提供しません支出は税金よりも多かったのですが、銀行の準備金や政府の受取人の口座へのクレジットによってすでに支払われており、債券が売却される前に赤字がすでに支払われており、赤字が露呈しています。s税金の逆流の後、あなたが課税をしている一年を通してあなたは、年末に財政黒字または均衡予算のどちらを記録するのかさえわかりません。年末までわからないので、通常、赤字があったかどうかを実際に知るには、データを何度か修正する必要があります。つまり、1年の間に支出しているので、あなたが赤字になってしまうかどうかはわかりません。つまり、赤字支出が発生した時点ですべての支出が同じであるというようなことはありません。」あなたが財政赤字または財政黒字またはバランスの取れた予算を持つことができるかどうかさえ知っていますあなたは会計期間の終わりまで知ることができません通常1年の債券発行はそれから彼らが実際に機能的に金融政策の一部である赤字を融資することではありません「ソブリン政府が実際に行っている借入業務ではない」とにかく無意味な操作となる自国の通貨を借りるソブリン政府は自国の通貨を借りる必要はありません。中央銀行が金利目標を達成するのを助けるために、金融政策の一環として債券を発行します。中央銀行がqeに従事しているので、世界的な金融危機以来ずっと債券を発行することはどれほど無意味であるかそれはどういう意味ですか?中央銀行が保有しているので、政府はそもそもこれらの債券を発行する必要はなかったので、赤字かどうかにかかわらず、ソブリンのために債券を売る必要はまったくないことが認識され始めています。政府はしません危険を借りるのは過剰な支出であり、過剰なお金ではない政府支出は1つの形をとるだけです。税収を使うべきか、借りるべきか、お金を印刷するべきかを見てみましょう。そのような選択肢はありません。あなたが使う方法は1つだけです。私はすでにそれを説明したので、議会や議会は歳出財務省が準備金をクレジットすることによってシンドロームがそれらをクリアするチェックをカットすることを承認しますあなたが政府から来たのか、あなたが民間部門から来たのか気をつけてください政府や民間の支出が多すぎるとインフレを引き起こす可能性があります完全雇用を超えて、完全雇用の前に彼が言うところの真のインフレを得ることができますが、価格が上昇する可能性がありますが、ボトルネックまたはおそらく価格決定力のために発生する真のインフレではなく、半インフレは労働組合が価格設定をしている独占者である可能性があると彼は言いました権力と彼は、オーステリティの使用に反対しました。インフレがボトルネックまたは価格決定力から来ている場合、オーステリティを使用すべきかどうかは疑わしいです。ちょうど一例として、1974年初頭のオペックは石油の価格を4倍にしました。の価格決定力米国は、石油価格の上昇によって引き起こされる価格上昇と戦うために緊縮財政を実施することを選択しました。日本がエネルギー効率を高めて生産高あたりの石油使用量を削減することを選択したことから、私たちは苦しみました。これらの2つの戦略のうち、緊縮財政は明らかにエネルギー効率を高める意味がありませんでした石油価格の上昇に対する正しい対応は大丈夫ですmmtは赤字支出を増やす提案ではありませんええと人々は日本を見て日本は良い例だと言いますmmtは巨額の赤字を抱えているため、私たちが従うmmtの提案ではありません。■機能的財政アプローチの予算編成は、完全雇用を追求するために機能的である必要があります適度なインフレ持続可能な成長より平等な環境の持続可能性これらすべてが公共の利益になり、予算は、いかなる場合でも予算の結果の結果が公開されることを追求する必要があります高い赤字と債務は、mmtに従っているからではなく、後で説明するようにmmtの政策提言とは逆のことをしているが、それでも日本はソブリンの死の赤字と債務の赤字がインフレにつながらないというmmtの核となる議論を検証している。問題は、全世代の債券市場のデフレがデフォルトを強制できないことでした。実際、債券市場は、中央銀行の政策に依存する債券利回りの低下ではなく、より多くの日本の債務を望んでいるため、日本は中央銀行の政策であるため、全世代の金利はほぼゼロでした。ですから、日本がやっていることはストップゴーストップ政策に従っている債務の額に依存しないので、これが私たちがそれを言う理由です」不動産バブルの崩壊以来、日本は景気後退の内外にあり、平均的な景気後退の伸びが鈍いため、通常は何らかの財政刺激策がありますが、回復が始まるとすぐに刺激策を取り、通常は制定します。彼らは赤字を減らし、借金の一部を返済したいので、特に消費に対するある種の増税は、経済を不況に戻し、赤字が増えるので、これはあなたが大きな赤字を得る通常の方法です私はそれをあなたが赤字を得る醜い方法と呼んでいますあなたは成長が落ちるのであなたは赤字を得るので私はええと、大きな赤字を得るには常に少なくとも2つの方法があることを示すために簡単なグラフを思いつきましたある時点であなたはあなたですある程度の緩やかな成長が見られますが、経済が減速すると、景気後退に陥ると赤字が発生します。ポイントbに移動できます。これは、ある程度の緩やかな成長が見られるという醜い方法です。より速く成長したい場合は、グリーンな新しい取引を実装して、より多くの支出を開始して、ポイントcに移動できますが、ポイントcは赤字が大きく、成長率が高いため、税収が減少するため、成長率によって赤字が減少します。急速に成長するので、ポイントdのようなポイントに移動します。つまり、赤字が大きいからといって、財政刺激策を使用しているからといって、税収が崩壊し、赤字が露呈するため、赤字が大きくなる可能性があるということです。あなたが私と同じことで得ることができる別の方法の裁量ではありませんウィン・ゴッドリーのセクターバランスアプローチを使用して、総計レベルでのアイデンティティによって風が示すように、収入は総計レベルでの支出に等しいので、黒字の合計は赤字の合計に等しいと説明してきました。少なくとも1つの他のセクターが赤字を出している必要があります。そうすれば、私たちが望む方法でセクターを分割することができます。家計、政府企業、その他の世界では、通常使用するのは3つのセクターです。政府セクターは国内民間セクターです。これは、家計と企業が一緒になっていて、外国部門が私たちのような国であり、または現在の口座を運営している英国は、ほとんどの場合、私たちの赤字です。政府の赤字は国内の民間部門の黒字であり、外国人も国に対して黒字を出している。政府の赤字を減らす唯一の方法は、他の部門の一方または両方がバランスを調整し、国内部門のいずれかが民間の黒字を削減しなければならない場合である。これは、ミンスキー型の財政不安につながる良い考えではありません。あるいは、世界の他の地域にバランスを調整させる必要があります。これは、世界の他の地域の経済を管理できないため、要点です。政府は財政赤字を削減すべきだとあなたに言う人は誰でも彼らがどのように彼らがあなたに説明しなければならないか国内の民間部門または外国の部門にバランスを調整させてそれが発生するようにすることは、裁量的政策の単純な結果ではありません。世界が直面している危機について少し話をして、前例のない差し迫った課題について話しましょう。人間の生存が脅かされているこれはおそらく人間がこれまでに直面した最大の脅威であり、最も裕福な国々による協調的かつ協調的な努力が必要です。汚染だからそれ」緊縮財政の時代にこれを受け入れるために豊かな先進国までは終わらせなければなりません私たちは戦争の経験からどのように危機にうまく取り組むかを学ぶことができます私たちは第二次世界大戦から第二次世界大戦で多くを学びました政府は50パーセントを吸収しました私たちの場合はgdpの、おそらく英国の場合はもっと多いので、すべての生産の半分を戦争遂行に移しました。これらのパンデミックと戦うために、より多くのリソースを私たちの努力に移す必要があります。ケインズは、1940年の小さな本で、戦争の支払い方法を説明しました。彼は、どのようにリソースを政府に移すかについて計画を立てました。他のすべての大戦争で私たちと英国の両方が高インフレを持っていたので、大規模なインフレを引き起こすことなく、私たちは両方ともよく世界戦争をしました私たちにとって大きな戦争ではありませんでした内戦での高インフレどうすればそのケインが問題だと言ったのを防ぐことができますか?大戦争に入るときはもちろん完全雇用を超えて資源の完全雇用を超え、政府の支出はすべての人に収入をもたらすでしょう誰もがあなたに働きたいよりもさらに多くの時間を働かせるでしょう」彼らに賃金を払うつもりですが、あなたが生産を戦争の努力に移すので、彼らが買うものはほとんどありません。どうすればインフレを防ぐことができますか?彼はお金を見つけることは問題ではないインフレーションを防ぐことが問題であると言いました、それで彼は3つの原則を使うことを勧めました労働者に報酬を与えるための延期された補償は今彼らに支払わない彼らに後で支払うことを約束する第二税高所得の人々あなたが税収を必要とするからではない政府はあなたが彼らの消費を減らす必要がある税収を使わない大丈夫彼らはたくさん消費する必要はない彼らはすでに金持ちであり、3番目に低所得者のための適切な最低基準を維持しています。sアメリカの制度派経済学者私は、技術的に実現可能なことは何でも、それを行う方法を知っていて、常に余裕のあるリソースを見つけることができれば、経済的に可能なことを最初に集中したいと思っています。複数のパンデミックに取り組むことは、失業者のリソースシフトを動員することになります。すでに雇用されており、新しいものを作成しているものは、消費を延期し、消費を延期する方法を教えてください。おそらく、第二次世界大戦の支出ですべてを行った愛国的な貯蓄配給規制は、公共の目的を達成するために必要に応じてリソースを割り当てます。広範囲にわたるグリーンニューディールを含むこれらのパンデミックについては、私たちの国の50のようなものを取るつもりはありません。sリソースグリーンニューディールの見積もりは、広範なグリーンニューディールのリソース需要の純増加はgdpのわずか5%であるため、リソースへの需要はわずかです。結論私たちのパンデミックを実装するために手順を変更する必要はありません。中央銀行と財務省はすでに資金調達の方法を知っています。最終的な制約は、予算の結果に資金を提供しないリソースです。それを管理することも、金利が市場によってではなく中央銀行の政策によって決定されることを心配することもありません。ケインズが説明したように、リソースを動員し、必要に応じてそれらを解放することに焦点を当てた政策によってインフレを回避することができます。この教授に感謝します。視聴者に質問をする方法を思い出させるだけで本当に面白かったです。Facebookのumやこのストリームの下のコメントに質問を送信するためのリンクがあります。 'さて、私の最初の質問は、経済思想のような主流派が私たちが何をすべきかについてであるのと比較して、パンデミックに対する金融政策の反応について何が違うのかについてです。金利と低インフレ主流派経済学では、金融政策だけでは不十分であり、インフレ抑制に踏み出すための財政政策も必要であるという新たなコンセンサスが生まれました。今やパンデミックの間、ケニアだけでなく精神経済学のようにも思えます。巨額の財政支出を提唱しているので、私の質問は、なぜmmtがパンデミックに最善の対応をする必要があるのか​​、そしてパンデミックにどのように対応するかについての政策提言です。他のエコノミストの言うこととは違うので、大きな違いは、インフレを気にせず、金利の影響を気にせずに財政政策を拡大できる非常に特別な状況が必要だと彼らが信じていることです。かなり長い間低く、金利はほぼゼロだったので、成長率を金利より高くするのは非常に簡単です。これらの条件は必要ありません。政府は、たとえ利子があったとしても、お金が不足することはありません。金利は高いか、それでもこれを行う余裕のある成長率を上回っていましたが、すでに夏のラリーとブランチャードは2019年の秋にインフレについて心配し始めました。2019年の右秋に私はブランチャードと並んで座って私たちの議会に証言しました私たちは彼が完全に同意したグリーンニューディールを行うために支出を拡大する私たちの能力について同じ見解を持っていましたええと、非常に低く、おそらく成長率を下回るでしょうが、彼は先週、ラリーの夏と一緒に出てきました。彼らは両方ともインフレについて警告しています。そしてそれはインフレ大丈夫になるでしょうそれで彼らはすでに後退していますそれは大丈夫ですそれであなたが正統派からそれに来たならええとあなたがそれらの両方があなたがケインズ正統派を知っているとしても基本的にええとそれを見てください彼らはモニターではありませんオーソドックスにええと、あなたはあなたです世界的な金融危機でも私たちがやったことですが、あまりにも早くペダルから足を離すつもりでした。ラリー・サマーズは、オバマの刺激を8000億に抑えた人々の1人でした。刺激策だが、債務とインフレについてのこのすべての懸念により、彼らは刺激策を非常に小さく保つことを余儀なくされたため、危機が最初に発生した時から10年以上2018年まで完全に回復しなかった。s問題とその全期間中、ラリー・サマーズは、緊縮財政があるので、長期的な停滞があります。私の2番目の質問はインフレについてです。mmtに対する多くの批判は、この予測に関連しています。赤字はインフレをもたらすだろう私は彼がインフレ戦士のこの立場を変えたと信じているので、ミットがインフレを防ぐ必要がある解決策は、政府が赤字支出を削減するか、増税することであり、この解決策についての潜在的な懸念は実際には財政政策を決定する政治家は、一般大衆が望んでいることに応じて行動しますが、必ずしも現時点での経済にとって最善であるとは限らないため、たとえば、政府が高い期間国民がすでに価格の上昇に動揺しているとき、独立した中央銀行は製品よりもインフレを制御するのに優れた仕事をしていると主張するインフレの戦士とは異なり、これはとにかく神話なので、独立した中央銀行を救うことができますですから、それ自体が全体のトピックであり、最初に大丈夫について議論するのに非常に良いトピックです。それが政府によるものであろうと家庭によるものであろうと、支出の資金調達に代わるものはありません。私が言ったように、特別な種類の支出はありませんので、すべての政府支出は常に中央銀行による銀行準備金へのクレジットを必要とします。共同でmmtが主流派経済よりも政府支出のより多くの金融財政のようにもっと多くのことを望んでいることを願っています私たちがしているのはこれが政策提案ではないことを説明することだけではありません進行中のパンデミックを好むためにumへの反応を小さくしたい人々に同意しないとあなたが言った支出これらの人々はあなたよりもインフレを恐れているからですええと、インフレをもっと恐れている人々がいると確信しています私がそうだよりもええと、ええと、私はちょうど言ったので、ええと、ブランチャードと夏はそれについて警告し始めています。私たちの連邦準備制度理事会はインフレを心配していません大丈夫パウエルが出てきましたそしてええと、私たちは多くのボトルネックにぶつかっているので、今私たちは経済を通していくらかの価格上昇を得るつもりだと彼らは言った出荷にはボトルネックがあり、世界のサプライチェーンには欲求のためにボトルネックがあるため、価格が上昇する可能性がありますが、出荷が再開されると工場が再開するため、これらは一時的なものになるため、驚かないでください。一部の商品の価格が上がるため、消費者物価指数に小さな不具合が発生しますが、持続的なインフレが見込めない場合は、これが現在のFRBの見解でもあるので、私はしません。ええと、mmtはこれの外れだと思います。少なくともアメリカのかなり主流の人々の間でさえ、今のところ支配的な見方は、これらのパッケージから多くのインフレを得る可能性は低いということです。それをバイデン刺激パッケージと呼んでも、それは刺激ではありません。1.9兆の項目を見ると、これはほとんどの場合、単なる救済であり、州や地方自治体を救済している消費を押し上げることになる収入を提供していません。莫大な税収を失った学区が床から落ちてきたので、多くはただの安堵です。とにかく、民主主義が機能しないという考えは信じられないので、委員会が必要です。私たちができるので専門家の選出された代表者を信頼するのは、彼らが選出された有権者の人々の利益に応えているからです。彼らは反民主主義的です。つまり、私たちが経済にとって最善のものが必要であり、私が考える人々にとって最善のものではないことを知っているということです。それはクレイジーだねえええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええええここでは抽象的です完全な抽象化ですええと、経済に最適なものは必要ありません。人々に最適なものが必要です。仕事が必要です。ヘルスケアが必要です。ワクチン接種が必要です。食品エネルギーとクリーンな環境が必要です。焦点を当てるべきであり、それは」s政治家が焦点を当てるべきものは、私たちが経済と呼んでいる抽象的なものではありません。独立した中央銀行申し訳ありませんが、他の質問があると思いますが、中央銀行は独立しておらず、政府によって作成された政府の生き物です。連邦準備制度理事会は常にそれが議会の生き物であり、彼らが議会に行くときの連邦準備制度理事会の首脳は、私たちがしていることが気に入らない場合はどうなるかわからない場合に見えると何度か議会に語った何か違うことをするように言ってください私たちは議会の生き物です私たちはあなたが今言うことをします人々が中央銀行が独立していると言う2つの感覚があると言うときそれらの1つは本当ですがそれは本当です'必要ではありません。通常、中央銀行に一晩の金利目標を設定させます。これは、私たちの連邦政府が独立しているため、大規模な戦争ではほとんどの場合、世界戦争からそれを奪うことがあります。 ii私たちはそれを取り除いた私たちは、ええと、ええと、執行部は中央銀行ではなく金利を設定するつもりだと言いました、そして私たちは戦争の終わりに彼らに彼らの独立を返しました今人々はそれを使うことができるのでそれは良いことだと言います彼らがインフレを心配している戦士になることができるようにインフレと戦うための金利残念ながら、金利をうまく制御することは、インフレ率を制御するためのツールではありません。基本的に私が経済学を始めた日から、過去20年間、中央銀行はインフレ率を上げることができないことを示してきました。彼らはそれは本当だと言うでしょうが、私たちは80年代と90年代にインフレと戦い、それを取り除きました。彼らがインフレを取り除けなかったのも誤りだと思います。基本的にインドと中国は私たちのためにインフレを取り除いたのです。非常に多くの新しい低賃金労働者が世界経済に参入し、西側の賃金を押し下げ、インフレを抑制したので、中央銀行は燃えがら銀行が独立していると思われる最終的な方法ではありませんでした。議会や議会のカウンターになるはずなので、おそらく議会や議会は、彼らが常に彼らを選出した人々に食料調達していることを知っているので、彼らは国民のためにあらゆる種類のグッズに費やしています、そして彼らはしません」インフレを心配し、それがインフレの原因であり、良いことは、独立した中央銀行が彼らがそれを行うのをどのように阻止できるかということです。支出の許可は、連邦準備制度が財務省からそれを奪うことができます答えはありません連邦準備制度は財務省の小切手をバウンスしませんいいえイングランド銀行は財務省の小切手をバウンスしませんいいえあなたが財務省の小切手をバウンスし始めた場合、彼らは小切手をバウンスしません君は'財務小切手が跳ね返る可能性がある場合、支払いシステムへの信頼を失うことになるので、なぜ他の種類の小切手を信頼するのでしょうか。中央銀行は、予算の結果が赤字である場合、金利を引き上げる可能性があるとは言えません。彼らがする唯一のことは、彼らが国庫の支出を止めることができない金利を上げることであり、金利を上げることによって、国庫を止めようとするのをやめようとすることによって利子への支出が増えるので、彼らは国庫の支出を増やすでしょう増加した国庫支出から、彼らにできることは何もありません。

ありがとうございます。最後の質問は開発途上国に関するものです。これは、私たちのような国が債務を気にしないのは簡単だと人々が頻繁に批判しているようなものです。それ'彼らの通貨はドルなので、彼らを転がすのはとても簡単ですが、彼らは発展途上国にとってはもっと難しいだろうと言ったので、パンデミックへの対応方法についての推奨事項に違いがあるとあなたに言いたいと思いました私たちにとっても発展途上国にとっても、基本的には発展途上国が自国のお金を発行する限り、それは問題ではなく、まったく違いはなく、私たちが従うことができるポリシーに正確に従うことができると思いますか?

発展途上国は、ドルや他の国際準備通貨にペッグしているため、大きく異なります。つまり、通貨を米ドルに交換する傾向があるため、支出能力が大幅に制限されており、破産を余儀なくされる可能性があります。そこ's破産手続きはありませんが、債務不履行が発生する可能性があります私の質問は、自分の心が大丈夫な国についてですので、それを明確にしたいので、ペグする国や外貨で債務を発行する国があるので、彼らは自国通貨ですが、私たちのドルで政府債務を発行します。ペグせず、外貨で債務を発行しない限り、彼らはあなたと同じように国内資源を動員するために彼らの通貨を使用することができます。

彼らの問題は、おそらく国内でのパンデミックに対処するために必要なリソースを持っていないということです。彼らは必ずしも自国通貨で外国のリソースを動員できるとは限りません。制約に直面しているので、私たちは外国人を動員できます。 uのリソース。sドルはいそれは英国にできるはいそれは大丈夫なので私たちは発展途上国が国内で私たちとまったく同じことをすることができると主張していません彼らが失業中の資源を持っているなら彼らはvaxワクチンを作りそしてワクチンを生産することができますそして彼らは彼らはパンデミックに対処することができましたが、もちろん私はほとんどの発展途上国の現実を説明していません彼らはそれを行うことができません彼らは輸入に頼らなければならず、彼らの輸入能力は彼らの海外通貨の需要に依存します
今日はこれでおしまいだと思いますので、よろしくお願いします。生き残るためにご参加いただき、誠にありがとうございます。国内では、失業中のリソースがあれば、vaxワクチンを作成してワクチンを製造することができ、パンデミックに対処することができますが、もちろん、ほとんどの開発途上国の現実については説明していません。輸入に依存し、彼らの輸入能力は海外での通貨の需要に依存しますが、それは非常に限られている可能性があります。生き残るために私たちに加わってくれて、そして愛情を込めてありがとうさようなら国内では、失業中のリソースがあれば、vaxワクチンを作成してワクチンを製造することができ、パンデミックに対処することができますが、もちろん、ほとんどの開発途上国の現実については説明していません。輸入に依存し、彼らの輸入能力は海外での通貨の需要に依存しますが、それは非常に限られている可能性があります。生き残るために私たちに加わってくれて、そして愛情を込めてありがとうさようならmほとんどの発展途上国の現実を説明していない彼らはそれを行うことができません彼らは輸入に頼らなければならず、彼らの輸入能力は彼らの海外通貨の需要に依存しますそれは非常に限られているかもしれません今日はこれですべてだと思います。生き残るためにご参加いただき、ありがとうございました。愛情を込めてありがとうございます。mほとんどの発展途上国の現実を説明していない彼らはそれを行うことができません彼らは輸入に頼らなければならず、彼らの輸入能力は彼らの海外通貨の需要に依存しますそれは非常に限られているかもしれません今日はこれですべてだと思います。生き残るためにご参加いただき、ありがとうございました。愛情を込めてありがとうございます。


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 hello everyone thank you for joining us today my name is alexandra and i am a community member of oxford economics affairs all of our events for this term are online and all of them will be streamed on our facebook page and then pop posted in on our youtube channel afterwards last week we had doctor van graven who was talking about decolonizing economics and you can find the recording of her lecture on our youtube our next event will be tomorrow and we will have news for hobbit talking about economic pluralism so check out check out our event on facebook if you are interested in this this week we are very happy to host professor randall wright who who is a professor of economics at the university of missouri-kansas city and c and senior scholar at the level economics institute of bad college in new york he is a prominent proponent of modern monetary theory in macroeconomics which challenges the conventional views on monetary and system policies random right has published widely in edited books and academic journals including journal of economic issues the cambridge journal of economics and the journal of post-ancient economics the talk will be dedicated to the modern monetary policy responses to the ongoing pandemics from the perspective of the modern monetary theory the format of our meeting today will be 45 minute talk and then the 15 minutes of question from the audience we have posted a link on uh in the description of our facebook event uh on on like our facebook so uh if if you if you want a question if you have a question that you would like to be asked professor you can you should go to this link and then give us our question i will i and i will i i will wait after the um talk um okay and thank you for uh for for joining us uh professor wright we are very happy to have you here today and if you're ready we can start with the communication okay thanks for the invitation let me share the screen oops i'm not abled and while we're doing that let me just make one correction i retired from umkc so i no longer teach there i teach at bard uh and at the leave so you think you could fall now let me try yep now i can okay and this okay so um let me begin we um face a multitude of pandemics so now we have coven 19. um there's a pretty good possibility that we're going to have different versions of this disease hitting us maybe every couple of years we also have the pandemic of a climate catastrophe in the united states at least we have pandemics of racism of the forever wars the forever fires right now i'm in uh in the west in oregon and the fire season now in california prince a whole year we have pandemics of inequality of access to health care education housing wealth and jobs we have pandemics of poverty unemployment homelessness financialization secular stagnation refugees rising sea levels and we could go on and on so multiple pandemics when um the covet crisis hit many people started talking about mmt and it was in the headlines all over the world every important central banker financial markets person heads of the finance ministry or treasury all had to weigh in and say that uh we found this new way to finance the covet response we're going to use central banks to drop helicopter money into the economy this is mmt and uh japan has been doing mmt for a while and now we're all going to adopt it but we have to be very careful mmt is only for a crisis we would only use it in a crisis okay it's very dangerous because it's it is potentially inflationary and could drive us to zimbabwe land with hyperinflation okay but our response is first we're in the age of multiple permanent pandemics the crises are not going to end there is no end in sight second mmt says there's only one one way that modern governments spend uh there this is not something you apply only in a crisis mmt accurately describes the way governments actually spend which is that central banks credit bank reserves and banks credit the deposits of the recipients that is a description it's not a policy to recommendation it's not a policy you use in crisis this is the way modern governments spend okay so mmt is largely a description or better we could say it is a framework for analyzing sovereign currency nations nations where governments issue their own currency how that works now it's very different from the orthodox view the orthodox view is that in normal times you tax and then you spend the revenue limited borrowing could be okay especially in a recession so a deficit is okay and you uh finance that by borrowing you have to worry about the sustainability condition and the the main one is that you need the growth rate above the interest rate or the problem is that debt service will grow relative to the size of the economy and so government spending on interest will grow and potentially grow without limit because the government will need to finance its spending on interest by more borrowing increasing government spending though tends to slow the growth rate because government is not as efficient as the private sector and it pushes up the interest rate this is the crowding out theory so all the government borrowing will push up the interest rate and we're going to have slower growth so we're going to end up with growth below the interest rate furthermore the debt burdens our grandkids i guess a lot of you are grandkids you're all gonna have to pay this back and uh you know all the old generation is leaving you with all of this debt that you're going to have to pay back and the result will be slow growth heavy indebtedness taxing you a lot we're going to end up with secular stagnation on the other hand government might prim money to pay for its spending but that causes inflation and then we're off to zimbabwe so you have to avoid that well paul samuelson who wrote the textbook your grandparents all used he was i was going to say the main queue of his day but he was much greater than thank you um in any case he gave an interview in 1974 with blog mark blough you can find it online i urge you to google it the sami sun interview by mark blaug because it's very interesting i have a long quote in the blue i'm not going to read that you can read that later but basically what he's saying is can you keep a secret the necessity of balancing the budget whether we're talking about annually or over the business cycle is that old-time religion we use to scare politicians and the population to behave themselves it's like the grim fairy tales that we tell our children uh you know the wolves in the forest kind of a story so that they won't wander around in the forest we have to scare the politicians all sorts of bad things will happen if they run budget deficits okay it's not true but keep the secret don't let it out don't let the cat out of the bag um more recently ben bernanke who was the chair of the fed during the global financial crisis uh the fed spent and lent a total of 29 trillion dollars to bail out the global financial system uh in the aftermath of the gfc and so congress called him in because they were very worried he said look what the fed is doing with taxpayer money and so they asked him uh are you spending taxpayer money to bail out the financial system he said no no no it's not tax money we simply use the computer to mark up the size of the account it's just keystrokes we're not spending tax money we keystroke credits to the accounts of the banks now he was talking about you know this specific uh fed intervention but what he said is true this is the way the government really spends and i'll explain why when the treasury spans it is still a central bank keystroke because central bank makes all payments for the treasury or alan greenspan the previous chair before bernanke was asked about the u.s social security system lots of people are afraid that we have an aging society and social security will go bankrupt and greenspan said no that can't happen the united states can pay any debt it has because we can always print money to do that so there's zero probability of default we cannot be forced to default on any debts that are in dollars including the promised social security payments okay now he said print money okay that's not true that's not accurate bernanke was accurate it's keystrokes we will keystroke those credits into the retirement accounts of the elderly we can't run out of money okay so the mmt view is precisely the opposite of the orthodox view it's not tax then spend it's spend then tax you spend first then you tax you can't take out of the economy which you haven't already put in and taxes are paid by debiting bank reserves banks have to have the reserves before taxes can be paid where do reserves come from they can only come from treasury spending central bank purchases or central bank lending there is no other source of bank reserves so taxes can't be paid until the reserves are put in when you go to the uh a magician's show and the magician pulls the rabbit out of the hat you pretend like you're surprised wow magic okay now you know that the magician put the rabbit in the hat before he pulled it out you can't pull rabbits out that you have not put in okay the same is true of the reserves you have to put the reserve rabbits into the hat before you can pull the reserve rabbits out of the hat now this is so surprising to most people however i assume all of you have studied your principles of macroeconomics and you learned the injections leakages approach you have to have the injections before you can get the leakages the injections create income that can then be leaked out of the circular flow injections first then leakages what are the injections well you always study investment is an injection saving is a leakage the investment has to come first before the saving can leak out you have to create income through investment then you can save the same is true of government spending that's an injection taxes are the leakage you have to have the spending first before you can have the leakage into taxes now the second one is not emphasized probably in your class it's emphasized in my class uh but if the principle is the same and so when we say you spend then tax that is perfectly consistent with the keynesian approach to macroeconomics uh that is uh that still remain or lingers in the textbooks including mancus okay um so what mmt does i said is it provides a framework for analyzing national sovereign currencies so we begin with the money entries money entries are denominated in the national currency or money of account financial stocks and flows in are also measured in terms of the money of account when you think of the financial system as a huge electronic scoreboard keeping track of the credits and debits in money terms charles goodheart in 1996 wrote about three different versions of the paper uh why is it that we when we look around the world the general rule both today and historically as far back as we go all the way back to babylonian times we observe each nation has its own currency why is it one nation one currency it's so ubiquitous it can't be a coincidence i'll come to his reason in a minute okay uh in the united states our constitution actually says that only congress can create money and sometimes people bring this up and they say hold it it's unconstitutional for banks to be creating money because the constitution very clearly says only congress can do this however my own professor was hyman minsky and he used to always say anyone can create money there seems to be some kind of a conflict between these two things but really there isn't only the national government can create the money that is the money of account dollar in the u.s pound in britain and then we all can create money things or money records records of nominal values that is what we are recording in that financial system scoreboard we're recording money records denominated in the state's money of account so our alternative approach to money is that it's a state monopoly in the sense that the state chooses the money of account we then denominate transactions and financial assets and financial liabilities in that money of account there's a hierarchy of ious they're all liabilities but as minsky said anyone can create money the problem is to get it accepted the government's i o use what we call currency or bonds are the most acceptable ious in the economy and then lower in the pyramid there are banks and lower still there are non-financial corporations and lower still there are small firms and also households they can all issue debt denominated in the money of account it's a money record uh however they have differing degrees of acceptability when i first started teaching in the early 80s i would ask my students what backs up the us dollar and the majority of students would say gold well that wasn't true we had gone off the gold standard in the early 70s when president nixon left the bretton woods system so it wasn't true even then but what i would do is i would take my take out my wallet and i would take out a one dollar bill and i would read to them what it says it says this note is legal tender for all debts public and private then i would take out a canadian dollar this note is legal tender australian dollar this australian node is legal tender okay and so we see a pattern say oh okay so what backs up the currency is that it's legal tender then i take out the uk pound there's a picture of the queen and the queen says i promise to pay the bearer on demand the sum of five pounds this is written on a five pound note what she says is if you bring her a five pound note she will give you a five pound note or some sum of coins to total five pounds okay so it's not gold it's not legal tender i mean maybe maybe not so what people generally uh describe this as is a fiat money that its value is determined by fiat the government just tells you what it's worth okay well that would be a fairly flimsy thing to base your financial system on is just the government's fiat we mmt argues that there's more than that behind it but it's not gold okay but there is something standing behind it we argue that it is the uh the value of money and the reason why currency is used is because the power of the issuing authority okay so money records are promises to redeem they are promises to redeem debts and when good heart posed this question the way he answered it is that you know it's not a coincidence that we see one nation one currency rule the currency is tied up with sovereign power political independence and fiscal authority so there's no wonder that when the soviet union broke apart each new nation chose their own currency they are expressing their political independence and their government is creating a fiscal authority so what we focus on what drives the currency is obligations that a sovereign authority can put on the population for shorthand we say taxes drive money today the main obligation that the government puts on people is tax but if we go back a couple hundred years ago the main obligations were fees and fines in some cases tribute in some cases tithes but it's an obligation to pay that the government is able to put on the population the government then issues a currency denominated in its money of account and accepts it back in payment taxes that is what we mean by the term redemption the currency is redeemed when it is paid back to the issuer to meet an obligation such as taxes when taxes are paid both the government and the taxpayer are redeemed it's a simultaneous redemption the taxpayer is redeemed because they don't owe a tax anymore the government is redeemed because the currency has been returned to the government uh by the way the our english word revenue that we use for tax revenue means return to what returns the government's currency returns to the government and i know you always hear about this fabulous innovation which was double entry bookkeeping but monetary accounting is always quadruple entry bookkeeping there are four entries that are wiped clean when you pay your tax okay you have an asset and a liability that are wiped clean and the government has an asset and liability wiped clean i want to give one historical example i could go on and on with ex with historical examples but this one is particularly clear so farley grubb is one of the authorities on american colonial currency the american colonies were not allowed to issue coins so the crown of england would not allow them to because the crown wanted the colonies to use the crown's old own coins okay but there was a loophole nothing said that they couldn't issue paper money now paper money had been issued in china for a long time but this was i think the first big example of paper money being used in the west so the colonial legislatures would pass a law that said that permitted the government to issue let's say 10 000 virginia pounds worth of notes at the same time they would enact a new tax that imposed what they called a redemption tax a redemption tax that was expected to raise about 10 000 pounds people could use the paper money to pay their new tax that created a demand for the paper money and adam smith the wealth of nations mentions this in his book he said this strange thing is going on in the colonies they're issuing paper money and it's accepted and they don't get inflation as long as they don't issue too much okay so he noticed this and it's very clear that these colonial governments knew what they were doing they called it a redemption tax the purpose of the tax was not to obtain tax revenue in order to spend they knew they had to spend first then tax nobody could pay the tax if they had not spent the notes you spend first then you tax what do you do with your tax revenue you burn it you burn every note that is used to pay taxes tax revenue is not for spending tax revenue is for burning okay uh now there's nothing unusual about this this was also true all over europe most of the uh sovereign governments in europe spent by issuing tally sticks wooden sticks and when they receive those back there was a stock and a stub when they received them back and matched them they burned the tally sticks okay what do you do with tax revenue you don't spend it you burn it what do you do with coins you melt them down any and issue a new coinage okay so taxes come after spending and you use the revenue for a fire the way that it used to work was very simple and it was very obvious and i'm telling you the colonial government's understood it perfectly well you spend first spend your currency collect it back in taxes and then you burn it now we don't do it this way anymore modern governments do not spend by printing up money in spite of what greenspan said they don't spend that way okay they spend through their central bank and their central bank spends through the private banks so there are two degrees of separation between the sovereign and the subject two degrees of separation that makes it so complicated economists can't understand it okay and so one of the things that mmt did was to investigate to see is this diagram still true it's just behind this veil of two degrees of separation and the answer is yes it's just hidden behind a veil so we peel back the veil okay and so for 25 years we've been explaining how governments really spend how they really spend they do not spend tax revenue and they do not spend paper notes into existence they use banks and central banks so this is the way it actually works today and i we've gone deeply into the details okay i even though i'm peeling back the veil i'm only peeling back a little ways just enough to explain uh in general terms how it's done so when the treasury is authorized to spend they can issue a check that is received by let's say a contractor okay who's building a bridge for the government the contractor takes it to the bank the bank credits the contractor's deposit account the bank sends the check on to the central bank the central bank credits the bank's reserves so how does the government spend now the central bank credits reserves of private banks and private banks credit the deposit accounts of the contractors now today most of this is just electronic we don't even need the paper checks anymore it's all electronic entries okay the key point is for every dollar or every pound the treasury spends bank reserves go up by one dollar or one pound okay by identity that's how they spend what about paying taxes paying taxes just reverses the steps the taxpayer writes a check to the treasury the treasury sends it on to the central bank the central bank debits the bank's reserves and the bank debits the deposit account of the taxpayer and also this is mostly electronic now so most people pay their taxes electronically so we don't even need the paper checks it's just an electronic debit of bank reserves an electronic debit of the taxpayers demand deposits so let me summarize spending always leads to a credit to bank reserves and a credit to a deposit account taxing always reduces bank reserves and reduces the taxpayers demand deposit if spending is greater than taxing that means reserves are net credited because more reserves are added then taken away so that is how that is the accounting consequence of a budget deficit it's a reduction of bank reserves uh sorry an increase of bank reserve a government surplus is a reduction of bank reserves okay so what does the central bank do the sender mike facilitates payments buy into the state payments by the state e-flux money that is gets it into the economy taxes reflux money they don't finance government spending they're used for redemption okay so they reduce uh the accounts of the taxpayers and the reserves of the banks bonds don't really finance the deficit if a deficit has occurred if government spending has been greater than taxes the uh it has already been paid for by the credits to bank reserves and to the accounts of the recipients of the government spending the deficit has already been paid for before the bonds are ever sold the deficit is exposed it's after the reflux of taxes and you you over the course of the year when you're spending a taxing you don't even know if at the end of the year you're going to record a budget surplus budget deficit or a balanced budget you won't know till the end of the year and usually it takes several revisions of the data before you really know whether there was a deficit at all what that means is that as you're spending over the course of the year you don't know if you're gonna end up with a deficit which also means there's no such thing as deficit spending all spending is the same at the time that it occurs you don't even know whether you can have a budget deficit or a budget surplus or a balanced budget you cannot know until the end of the accounting period usually a year bond issues then are not to finance deficits they're actually functionally a part of monetary policy they're not a borrowing operation sovereign governments actually don't borrow their own currency which would be a nonsensical operation anyway a sovereign government never needs to borrow its own currency it issues bonds for a different purpose it issues bonds as part of monetary policy to help the central bank hit its interest rate targets and we see how nonsensical it is to issue bonds uh for the all the way since the global financial crisis because central banks have been engaged in qe what is qe it just means so you put some bonds into the economy and then you took them right back out and the central bank is holding them so the government is owing itself there was never a need to issue those bonds in the first place okay and so this is starting to be recognized that selling bonds is not necessary at all whether you have a deficit or not because sovereign governments don't borrow the danger is excess spending not excess money government spending takes one form only there's no such thing as a choice let's see should i use tax revenue or should i borrow or should i print money there is no such choice there's only one way you spend i already described it so congress or parliament authorizes the spending treasury cuts the checks the syndromic clears them by crediting reserves the budgetary outcome is known only exposed okay as stephanie kelton my former student and colleague always says cash registers do not discriminate cash register doesn't care if you came from the government or you came from the private sector too much spending government or private can cause inflation keynes said true inflation only occurs beyond full employment okay if you're beyond full employment you get what you what he called true inflation before full employment you can have prices rising but he called that semi-inflation not true inflation it occurs because of bottlenecks or perhaps pricing power could be labor unions could be monopolists that have pricing power and he he argued against using austerity uh it's doubtful whether austerity ought to be used if the inflation is coming from bottlenecks or pricing power and just as one example uh back in the early 70s 1974 opec quadrupled the price of oil okay it's pricing power the united states chose to implement austerity to fight the rising prices induced by rising oil prices and we suffered ever since we never really recovered from that japan chose instead to become energy efficient to reduce their oil use per unit of output now which one of those two strategies makes the most sense obviously austerity made no sense becoming energy efficient was the right response to an increase of oil prices okay mmt is not a proposal to ramp up deficit spending uh people say see look at japan japan is a good example of mmt because they have huge deficits well that's not an mmt proposal we follow abba lerner's functional finance approach budgeting should be functional to pursue full employment moderate inflation sustainable growth greater equality environmental sustainability all of those are in the public interest and the budget ought to be pursuing that the budgetary outcome outcome in any case is exposed not discretionary japan has run high deficits and debt not because it's following mmt it's doing the opposite of mmt policy recommendations as i'll explain in a second but still japan does validate the core mmt arguments about sovereign death deficits and debt deficits do not lead to inflation japan's problem has been deflation for a whole generation bond markets cannot force default in fact the bond markets want more japanese debt not less bond yields depend on central bank policy so japan has had near zero interest rates for a whole generation because that's the central bank policy so it doesn't depend on the amount of debt what japan has been doing is following a stop go stop policy so this is why we say it's not mmt since the collapse of the real estate bubble japan has been in and out of recession with sluggish average growth in recession they usually have some kind of a fiscal stimulus but as soon as the recovery begins they take out the stimulus and they usually enact some kind of a tax increase especially on consumption because they want to reduce the deficit and retire some of the debt so that is not mmt this pushes the economy back into recession and the deficit climbs so this is the usual way that you get big deficits and i call it the ugly way you get deficits you get deficits because growth falls and so i came up with um a simple graph uh to show that there are always at least two ways to get a big deficit the first is the ugly way if you're at point a you're you've got some moderate growth but the economy slows down then you will produce a deficit as you go into recession and you can move to point b that's the ugly way the pretty way to get a deficit is you've got some moderate growth and you would like to grow faster maybe you want to implement a green new deal so you start spending more you can move up to point c but point c is a higher deficit with a higher growth rate that growth rate is going to reduce the deficit because tax revenue will grow fast and so you'll move to a point something like point d so the point is that just because you have a high deficit does not mean that you're using fiscal stimulus you can get a high deficit because tax revenue collapses deficits are exposed not discretionary another way you can get at the same thing that i've been describing is by using wynn godly's sectoral balance approach so as wind shows by identity at the aggregate level the sum of surpluses equals the sum of deficits since income equals expenditure at the aggregate level national income equals national spending for one sector to run a surplus at least one other sector must run a deficit so we can break up the sectors any way we want we could have households government corporations and rest of world uh that would be four sectors the one we usually use is three sectors the government sector domestic private sector which is households and firms together and the foreign sector a country like the us and or the uk that runs current account deficits most of the time typically we'll have a government deficit a domestic private sector surplus and foreigners are also running surpluses against the country the only way to reduce the government's deficit is if one or both of the other sectors adjust their balances so either the domestic sector has to reduce its private surplus which is not a good idea that leads to minsky type financial instability or you have to get the rest of the world to adjust their balance against you which is difficult you don't have control over the economies of the rest of the world so the point is anyone who tells you that the government ought to reduce its deficit they have to explain to you how they're going to get the domestic private sector or the foreign sectors to adjust their balances to allow that to occur it is not a simple result of discretionary policy okay let me finish by talking a bit about the crises we face the world faces unprecedented and immediate challenges human survival is threatened this is probably the greatest uh threat that humans have ever faced it will take coordinated and concerted effort by the richest nations why because they're the source of most production and they will they have been and will remain the source of most pollution so it's up to the rich developed countries to take this on the age of austerity has to end we can learn from the experience of war how do you tackle a crisis well we learned a lot from world war ii in world war ii the government absorbed 50 percent of gdp in the case of the us probably more in the case of the uk so we moved half of all the production to the war effort we're going to have to move more resources to our effort to fight these pandemics how do we do it keynes explained how in a little book 1940 how to pay for the war he set out the plan how are you going to move the resources to the government without causing massive inflation because in every other big war both the us and the uk had high inflation we both had well world war one was not a big war for us it was a big war for you you had high inflation in world war one we had high inflation in the civil war how can we prevent that kane said the problem is when you go into a big war of course you're going to be beyond full employment of resources beyond full employment and the government's spending is going to create income for everybody everybody's going to be working even more hours than they want to work you're going to be paying them wages but there's hardly anything for them to buy because you move the production to the war effort how can you prevent inflation so he said finding the money is not the problem preventing inflation is the problem so he recommended three principles use deferred compensation to reward workers don't pay them now promise to pay them later second tax higher income people not because you need tax revenue government doesn't spend tax revenue you need to reduce their consumption okay they don't need to consume a lot they're already rich and third maintain adequate minimum standards for those with lower income uh jpeg foster said similar thing he's an american institutionalist i just want to focus on the first thing whatever is technically feasible is financially possible if we know how to do it and we can find the resources we can always afford it okay tackling multiple pandemics comes down to mobilizing the unemployed resources shifting those that are already employed and creating new ones how do we shift them through taxes postponed consumption maybe patriotic saving rationing regulations we did all of that in world war ii spending then allocates the resources as desired to achieve the public purpose and the good news is taking on these pandemics including a broad-ranging green new deal is not going to take anything like 50 of our nation's resources our estimate of the green new deal is the net increase in demand for resources for a broad-based green new deal is only five percent of gdp so it's a small demand on resources okay conclusion no change of procedures is required to implement our pandemic response the central bank and treasury already know how to finance it the ultimate constraint is resources not finance the budgetary outcome is neither discretionary you can't control it nor is it something to worry about interest rates are determined by central bank policy not by markets inflation can be avoided by policy focused on mobilizing resources and releasing them as necessary as keynes explained so let me stop sharing and take questions uh thank you thank you very much for uh for this professor it was really interesting uh just to remind our viewers how to ask questions you have the link under which you can submit your question on our um on our facebook even and also in the comments under this stream that's going on now um and my first question is about what is different about mnt idea response to the pandemic compared to what mainstream like economic idea would be about what we should do so many people would say that even before pandemics in the reality of low interest rates and low inflation there there was a new emerging consensus in the mainstream economic that monetary policy is not enough and we also need fiscal policy to step into control inflation and now uh during pandemics it seems like not only kenya but even like mental economics our economics are advocating for huge fiscal spending so my question is why do we need mmt to have the best response to the pandemic what is there uniquely about and policy recommendation about how to respond to the pandemic that's different to what other economists say yeah well so the the big difference is that they believe you need very special circumstances in which you can expand a fiscal policy without worrying about inflation and without worrying about interest rate effects so the special circumstances were that inflation has been low for quite a while and interest rates have been near zero so it's pretty easy to have the growth rate above the interest rate okay we say you don't need any of those conditions okay the government cannot run out of money even if the interest rate were high or above the growth rate we can still afford to do this but let me tell you already larry summers and blanchard have started worrying about inflation i i in fall of 2019 you're right fall of 2019 i sat side by side with blanchard we gave testimony to the us congress we we had identical views on uh our ability to expand spending to do the green new deal he agreed completely don't worry is that because the interest rate is uh very low and probably going to be below the growth rate okay but he came out uh last week along with larry summers they're both warning about inflation oh no don't go too big they're saying that biden's plan is too big and it's going to be inflationary okay so they are already backing off that's the problem okay uh so if you you come at it from an orthodox uh basically view um even though both of them are you know keynesian orthodox they're they're not monitors to orthodox uh you're you're going to take your foot off the pedal too early which is what we did in the global financial crisis too and larry summers was behind that larry summers was one of the people that kept obama's stimulus down to 800 billion we should have had four times more stimulus but all this worry about the debt and inflation forced them to keep the stimulus so small that we did not fully recover until 2018 more than 10 years okay from the time that crisis first hit so that's the problem and during that whole period larry summers saying oh we have secular stagnation well yes we do because we have austerity thank you very much my second question is about inflection so a lot of criticism to mmt relates to this prediction that a monetary financing of deficit would result in the inflation i believe that he turned this position in inflation warriors uh so the solution that mit has to prevent inflation is that government can cut back on deficit spending or by raising taxes and the potential worry about this solution is that in practice politicians who make decisions about fiscal policy act act more in the response to what the general public wants but not necessarily what what is uh like best for the economy at the moment so the argument can be for instance that government is unlikely to raise taxes during a period of high inflation where when public is already upset about rising price so what would you say to unlike inflation warrior that that would argue that independent central bank does a better job of controlling inflation than products let me uh save the independent central bank because this is a myth anyway so that that's a whole topic by itself a very good topic to discuss okay first there is no alternative to money financing of spending whether it's by the government or by households it's always money financed that's how you spend okay the government spending is always money financed there is no choice okay there is no special kind of spending uh as i was saying so it's always money financed all government spending always requires a credit by the central bank to bank reserves that's how the spending occurs this isn't a joint i hope that mmt would like to have more of um like more monetary finances of government spending than mainstream economy no all we're doing is describing this is not a policy proposal we say that is how government spends it has no other option it spends you mentioned that you disagree with people who who would like to see a smaller response to um to like ongoing pandemics because these people are more afraid about inflation than you are right uh well i'm sure there are people who are more afraid of inflation than i am yes um uh i just said so uh blanchard and summers are starting to warn about it now i'll tell you their view even for uh mainstream economists including say the people at the fed right now uh they uh they're they're outliers our fed is not worried about inflation okay powell has come out and and uh said they don't see any danger of inflation now we're going to get some price increases uh through the economy because we are hitting a lot of bottlenecks okay there are bottlenecks in shipping there are bottlenecks in the global supply chains because of covet and so we're going to see some prices increasing but as the factories reopen as shipping resumes these are going to be temporary so i won't be surprised to see some uh little glitches in the cpi going up because some items will go up in price but when we're not going to get a sustained inflation this is the view of our fed right now too so i don't think that uh mmt is an outlier on this i think the the um the dominant view right now even among fairly mainstream people in america at least is that we're not likely to get much inflation from these packages let me also say although we're calling it a biden stimulus package it's not a stimulus it's relief if you look at the items in the 1.9 trillion this is mostly just relief it is not providing income that it's going to boost consumption you're you're relieving state and local governments and school districts that have lost a tremendous amount of revenue tax revenue has fallen through the floor and so a lot of is just relief so anyway i don't believe that story um the idea that uh democracy does not work uh and so we need committees of experts because we can't trust elected uh representatives because uh they are catering to the interests of the people who of the voters who elected them is just anti-democratic i mean that you know we we need what is best for the economy not what is best for people i think that is crazy that's uh elitist anti-democratic um i don't share that view at all um i think that we should be focused on what is best for people not what is best for this abstraction which is the economy something you cannot uh feel touch here it's an abstract it's a complete abstraction um i don't i don't want what's best for the economy i want what's best for people i want jobs i want health care i want vaccinations i want food energy and a clean environment that's what we should be focused on and that's what politicians should be focused on not some uh abstract thing that we call the economy okay independent central bank sorry i'm sure you have other questions but central banks are not independent they are creatures of the government they're created by the government um the the fed it's always that it is a creature of congress and the the heads of the fed when they go to congress uh bernanke told congress several times that look if you don't know what if you don't like what we're doing tell us to do something different okay we're a creature of congress we will do what you say now when when people say that there are two senses in which they they say that the central bank is independent one of them uh is is true although it's not a necessity and that is usually we let the central bank set the overnight interest rate target okay that is true in the u.s our fed is independent to do that most of the time in in major wars sometimes we take that away from them world war ii we took it away we said no uh the uh executive branch is going to set the interest rate not the central bank then we gave them back their independence at the end of the war now people say then that's a good thing because they can use the interest rate to fight inflation so they can be the warriors the inflation worriers and the inflation fighters well unfortunately control over the interest rate is not a tool that gives you control over the inflation rate okay it just does not do it and uh i've been saying that from basically the day i started economics and i the past 20 years has demonstrated that central banks cannot increase the inflation rate they've done everything they could think of to try to increase the inflation rate they've all failed now before that they'll say well that's true but back we fought the inflation in the 80s and 90s and we got rid of it i think that's also false they didn't get rid of inflation basically india and china got rid of inflation for us by bringing so many new low paid workers into the global economy they depressed wages in the west and they reduced inflation it wasn't central banks the final way in which cinder banks are supposed to be independent is they're supposed to be the counter to the congress or parliament so supposedly congress and parliament you know they're they're always catering to the people who elected them and so they're spending on all sorts of goodies for the population and they don't worry about inflation and that's what causes inflation and the good thing is that an independent central bank can stop them from doing it how do they stop them well then you wonder how do they stop them central banks cannot say no okay congress gives the treasury the authorization to spend can the fed take that away from the treasury the answer is no will the fed ever bounce a treasury check no will the bank of england bounce treasury checks no they're not going to bounce a check if you start bouncing the treasury's check you're going to lose faith in the payment system if treasury checks can bounce why would you trust any other kind of check so it's simply false central banks cannot say no now they might raise the interest rate if the if the uh budgetary outcome is a deficit okay the only thing they do is raise the interest rate they can't stop the treasury from spending and by raising the interest rate they're going to increase treasury spending because spending on interest will go up so by trying to stop trying to stop the treasury from spending their increased treasury spending there's nothing they can do okay okay thank you so my last question it's about developing countries so this is like people's very often criticized mmt talking about that that is easy for countries like the u.s not to care about their debts when it's like so easy to roll their them because their their currency is dollar but they said it would be more difficult for for developing countries so i wanted to ask you would you say that there are any differences in recommendations uh about how to respond to the pandemics for the u.s and for the developing countries or do you think that basically as long as developing countries issue their own money it doesn't matter um and it's like no difference whatsoever and and they can follow exactly the policies that u.s can follow okay now look developing countries vary a lot because some of them peg to the dollar or to another international reserve currency that means they are severely constrained in their ability to spend because they are liable to exchange their currency for u.s dollars they can be forced into bankruptcy okay i mean there's no bankruptcy procedure but they can default on their debts that happens my question is about countries that have their own mind okay so i want to make that clear so the ones that uh peg or that issue debt in foreign currency so there are countries that have their own currency but they issue government debt in u.s dollars they're also very constrained so as long as they don't peg and don't issue debt in foreign currency they are able to use their currency to mobilize their domestic resources just as you are and we are okay now their problem is that they probably don't have the resources they need to deal with the pandemic domestically uh they're not necessarily able to mobilize foreign resources with their own currency they face a constraint can the u.s mobilize foreign resources with u.s dollars yes it can can britain yes it can okay so we're not claiming developing countries can do exactly the same thing as u.s domestically they can if they have unemployed resources they're able to create a vax vaccine and produce the vaccine then they they could deal with the pandemic but of course i'm not describing reality for most developing countries they cannot do it they have to rely on imports and their ability to import will depend on their the demand for their currency abroad which could be very limited okay i think that's uh thank you very much for everything i think that's all we have time for today um and so thanks again for thanks again for joining us for the survive and have a loving thank you bye 英語 (自動生成)
文字起こし 00:03 hello everyone 00:04 thank you for joining us today my name 00:06 is alexandra 00:08 and i am a community member of oxford 00:10 economics affairs 00:12 all of our events for this term are 00:14 online 00:15 and all of them will be streamed on our 00:17 facebook page 00:18 and then pop posted in on our youtube 00:21 channel 00:22 afterwards last week 00:25 we had doctor van graven who was talking 00:27 about decolonizing economics 00:29 and you can find the recording of her 00:31 lecture on our youtube 00:33 our next event will be tomorrow and we 00:36 will have 00:36 news for hobbit talking about economic 00:39 pluralism 00:40 so check out check out our event on 00:42 facebook if you are interested 00:44 in this this week we are very happy to 00:47 host professor randall wright 00:49 who who is a professor of economics at 00:51 the university of missouri-kansas city 00:54 and c and senior scholar at the level 00:57 economics institute of bad college in 00:59 new york 01:00 he is a prominent proponent of modern 01:02 monetary theory in macroeconomics 01:04 which challenges the conventional views 01:06 on monetary and system policies 01:09 random right has published widely in 01:11 edited books and academic journals 01:13 including journal of economic issues the 01:16 cambridge journal of economics 01:18 and the journal of post-ancient 01:19 economics 01:21 the talk will be dedicated to the modern 01:23 monetary policy responses to the ongoing 01:25 pandemics from the perspective 01:27 of the modern monetary theory 01:31 the format of our meeting today will be 01:33 45 minute talk 01:35 and then the 15 minutes of question from 01:37 the audience 01:39 we have posted a link on uh in the 01:41 description of our facebook event 01:43 uh on on like our facebook so uh 01:46 if if you if you want a question if you 01:49 have a question that you would like to 01:50 be asked 01:52 professor you can you should go to this 01:54 link and then give us 01:55 our question i will i and i will i i 01:58 will wait 01:59 after the um talk um 02:02 okay and thank you for uh for for 02:04 joining us uh professor wright we are 02:06 very happy to have you here today 02:08 and if you're ready we can start with 02:09 the communication 02:11 okay thanks for the invitation 02:14 let me share the screen oops i'm not 02:18 abled 02:21 and while we're doing that let me just 02:24 make one correction 02:26 i retired from umkc 02:30 so i no longer teach there i teach at 02:32 bard 02:33 uh and at the leave 02:37 so you think you could fall now 02:41 let me try yep now i can okay 02:48 and this 02:54 okay so 02:59 um let me begin 03:03 we um face a 03:07 multitude of pandemics so now we have 03:11 coven 19. um there's a pretty good 03:14 possibility that we're going to have 03:16 different versions of this disease 03:19 hitting us maybe every couple of years 03:22 we also have the pandemic of a climate 03:26 catastrophe 03:27 in the united states at least we have 03:30 pandemics of 03:31 racism of the forever wars 03:35 the forever fires right now i'm 03:39 in uh in the west in oregon and the fire 03:42 season now in california prince a whole 03:44 year 03:46 we have pandemics of inequality of 03:48 access to health care education housing 03:51 wealth and jobs 03:52 we have pandemics of poverty 03:54 unemployment homelessness 03:55 financialization 03:57 secular stagnation refugees rising 04:00 sea levels and we could go on and on so 04:03 multiple pandemics when 04:07 um the covet crisis hit 04:11 many people started talking about mmt 04:15 and it was in the headlines all over the 04:17 world 04:18 every important central banker 04:22 financial markets 04:26 person heads of the finance ministry or 04:29 treasury all 04:30 had to weigh in and say 04:33 that uh we found this new way to finance 04:36 the covet response 04:38 we're going to use central banks to drop 04:40 helicopter money into the economy 04:43 this is mmt and uh 04:46 japan has been doing mmt for a while and 04:48 now we're all going to adopt it 04:51 but we have to be very careful mmt 04:54 is only for a crisis we would only use 04:57 it in a crisis 04:59 okay it's very dangerous because it's 05:03 it is potentially inflationary and 05:06 could drive us to zimbabwe land with 05:09 hyperinflation 05:11 okay but our response is first we're in 05:14 the age of 05:15 multiple permanent pandemics the crises 05:18 are not going to 05:19 end there is no end in sight 05:23 second mmt says there's only one 05:27 one way that modern governments spend 05:30 uh there this is not something you apply 05:34 only in a crisis 05:36 mmt accurately describes the way 05:39 governments actually spend which is that 05:41 central banks credit bank reserves and 05:44 banks credit the deposits of the 05:46 recipients 05:48 that is a description it's not a policy 05:50 to 05:51 recommendation it's not a policy you use 05:54 in crisis 05:55 this is the way modern governments spend 05:59 okay so mmt is largely a description or 06:02 better 06:02 we could say it is a framework for 06:06 analyzing sovereign 06:09 currency nations nations where 06:12 governments issue their own currency 06:14 how that works 06:18 now it's very different from the 06:19 orthodox view 06:21 the orthodox view is that in normal 06:23 times 06:25 you tax and then you spend the revenue 06:29 limited borrowing could be okay 06:32 especially in a recession 06:34 so a deficit is okay and you 06:37 uh finance that by borrowing 06:41 you have to worry about the 06:42 sustainability condition and the 06:45 the main one is that 06:49 you need the growth rate above the 06:51 interest rate 06:52 or the problem is that debt service 06:56 will grow relative to the size of the 06:58 economy 06:59 and so government spending on interest 07:01 will grow and 07:03 potentially grow without limit because 07:07 the government will need to finance its 07:10 spending on interest 07:11 by more borrowing 07:15 increasing government spending though 07:17 tends to slow the growth rate 07:19 because government is not as efficient 07:21 as the private sector 07:23 and it pushes up the interest rate this 07:25 is the crowding out theory 07:27 so all the government borrowing will 07:28 push up the interest rate and we're 07:30 going to have slower growth 07:31 so we're going to end up with 07:34 growth below the interest rate 07:37 furthermore the debt burdens our 07:39 grandkids 07:40 i guess a lot of you are grandkids 07:43 you're all gonna have to pay this back 07:45 and uh you know all the old generation 07:48 is leaving you with all of this debt 07:50 that you're going to have to pay back 07:53 and the result will be 07:55 slow growth heavy indebtedness 07:58 taxing you a lot we're going to end up 08:01 with secular stagnation 08:04 on the other hand government might prim 08:06 money to pay for its spending 08:09 but that causes inflation and then we're 08:11 off to 08:12 zimbabwe so you have to avoid that 08:16 well paul samuelson who wrote the 08:18 textbook 08:20 your grandparents all used he was 08:25 i was going to say the main queue of his 08:26 day but he was much greater than thank 08:28 you 08:29 um in any case he gave an interview in 08:33 1974 08:34 with blog mark blough you can find it 08:37 online 08:37 i urge you to google it 08:41 the sami sun interview by mark blaug 08:44 because it's very interesting 08:45 i have a long quote in the blue i'm not 08:47 going to read that you can read that 08:48 later 08:50 but basically what he's saying is can 08:53 you keep a secret 08:55 the necessity of balancing the budget 08:58 whether we're talking about 09:00 annually or over the business cycle is 09:03 that old-time religion we use 09:06 to scare politicians and the population 09:10 to behave themselves 09:11 it's like the grim fairy tales that we 09:14 tell our children 09:16 uh you know the wolves in the forest 09:18 kind of a story 09:19 so that they won't wander around in the 09:21 forest we have to scare the politicians 09:23 all sorts of bad things will happen if 09:26 they run budget deficits 09:28 okay it's not true but keep the secret 09:32 don't let it out don't let the cat out 09:34 of the bag 09:36 um more recently ben bernanke who was 09:39 the chair of the fed 09:41 during the global financial crisis uh 09:44 the fed 09:46 spent and lent a total of 29 09:50 trillion dollars to bail out the global 09:52 financial system 09:54 uh in the aftermath of the gfc and so 09:58 congress called him in because they were 09:59 very worried he said 10:00 look what the fed is doing with taxpayer 10:02 money 10:04 and so they asked him uh are you 10:07 spending taxpayer money to bail out the 10:10 financial system he said 10:11 no no no it's not tax money we simply 10:15 use the computer to mark up the size of 10:17 the account 10:19 it's just keystrokes we're not spending 10:21 tax money 10:22 we keystroke credits to the accounts of 10:25 the banks 10:26 now he was talking about you know this 10:29 specific 10:30 uh fed intervention but what he said 10:33 is true this is the way the government 10:36 really spends 10:38 and i'll explain why when the treasury 10:41 spans 10:42 it is still a central bank keystroke 10:46 because central bank makes all payments 10:48 for the treasury 10:50 or alan greenspan the previous chair 10:54 before bernanke was asked 10:59 about the u.s social security system 11:01 lots of people are afraid that we have 11:03 an aging society and social security 11:05 will go 11:05 bankrupt and greenspan said no that 11:09 can't happen 11:10 the united states can pay any debt it 11:12 has because we can always print money to 11:14 do that so there's 11:15 zero probability of default we cannot be 11:19 forced to default 11:21 on any debts that are in dollars 11:24 including 11:25 the promised social security payments 11:27 okay now he said print 11:29 money okay that's not true that's not 11:32 accurate 11:33 bernanke was accurate it's keystrokes 11:36 we will keystroke those credits into the 11:39 retirement accounts 11:41 of the elderly we can't run out of money 11:45 okay so the mmt view 11:49 is precisely the opposite of the 11:52 orthodox 11:53 view it's not tax then spend it's spend 11:56 then tax you spend first 12:00 then you tax you can't take out of the 12:02 economy which you haven't already put in 12:06 and taxes are paid by debiting bank 12:08 reserves banks have to have the reserves 12:10 before taxes can be paid where do 12:13 reserves come from 12:14 they can only come from treasury 12:15 spending central bank purchases 12:18 or central bank lending there is no 12:20 other source 12:21 of bank reserves so taxes can't be paid 12:25 until the reserves are put in 12:27 when you go to the uh a magician's show 12:31 and the magician pulls the rabbit out of 12:33 the hat you pretend like you're 12:35 surprised 12:36 wow magic okay now you know 12:40 that the magician put the rabbit in the 12:42 hat 12:44 before he pulled it out you can't pull 12:46 rabbits out 12:47 that you have not put in okay the same 12:50 is true of the reserves 12:52 you have to put the reserve rabbits into 12:54 the hat before you can pull 12:56 the reserve rabbits out of the hat now 13:00 this is so surprising to most people 13:03 however i assume all of you 13:06 have studied your principles of 13:08 macroeconomics 13:10 and you learned the injections leakages 13:13 approach 13:15 you have to have the injections before 13:16 you can get the leakages 13:18 the injections create income that can 13:21 then be leaked out of the circular flow 13:25 injections first then leakages what are 13:28 the injections well you always study 13:30 investment is an injection saving is a 13:33 leakage 13:34 the investment has to come first before 13:37 the saving 13:38 can leak out you have to create income 13:41 through investment 13:42 then you can save the same is true 13:46 of government spending that's an 13:47 injection 13:49 taxes are the leakage you have to have 13:52 the spending first 13:54 before you can have the leakage into 13:56 taxes 13:57 now the second one is not emphasized 14:00 probably in your class it's emphasized 14:02 in my class 14:03 uh but if the principle is the same 14:07 and so when we say you spend then tax 14:11 that is perfectly consistent with 14:14 the keynesian approach to macroeconomics 14:17 uh 14:18 that is uh that still remain or lingers 14:22 in the textbooks including mancus 14:25 okay um so what mmt 14:28 does i said is it provides a framework 14:31 for analyzing 14:32 national sovereign currencies 14:36 so we begin with the money entries 14:40 money entries are denominated in the 14:43 national 14:44 currency or money of account financial 14:47 stocks and flows 14:48 in are also measured in terms of the 14:52 money of account 14:53 when you think of the financial system 14:56 as a huge electronic scoreboard 14:59 keeping track of the credits and debits 15:03 in money terms charles goodheart 15:07 in 1996 wrote about three different 15:09 versions of the paper 15:11 uh why is it that we 15:14 when we look around the world the 15:17 general rule 15:19 both today and historically as far back 15:22 as we go 15:22 all the way back to babylonian times 15:26 we observe each nation has its own 15:28 currency 15:29 why is it one nation one currency 15:33 it's so ubiquitous 15:36 it can't be a coincidence i'll come to 15:39 his reason in a minute 15:40 okay uh in the united states 15:45 our constitution actually says 15:48 that only congress can create money and 15:52 sometimes people bring this up and they 15:54 say hold it 15:55 it's unconstitutional for banks to be 15:57 creating money 15:58 because the constitution very clearly 16:00 says only congress can do this 16:03 however my own professor was hyman 16:05 minsky 16:06 and he used to always say anyone can 16:09 create 16:10 money there seems to be some kind of a 16:13 conflict between these two things 16:16 but really there isn't only the national 16:20 government 16:21 can create the money that is the money 16:24 of account 16:25 dollar in the u.s pound in britain 16:29 and then we all can create money 16:33 things or money records 16:36 records of nominal values 16:40 that is what we are recording in that 16:43 financial 16:44 system scoreboard we're recording 16:49 money records denominated in 16:52 the state's money of account 16:55 so our alternative approach to money is 16:59 that it's a state monopoly in the sense 17:02 that the state 17:02 chooses the money of account we then 17:06 denominate 17:07 transactions and financial assets and 17:10 financial liabilities 17:12 in that money of account there's a 17:14 hierarchy 17:15 of ious they're all liabilities 17:19 but as minsky said anyone can create 17:21 money the problem is to get it accepted 17:25 the government's i o use what we call 17:28 currency or bonds are the most 17:31 acceptable ious in the economy 17:35 and then lower in the pyramid 17:38 there are banks and lower still there 17:40 are non-financial corporations and lower 17:43 still 17:44 there are small firms and also 17:45 households they can 17:47 all issue debt denominated in the money 17:50 of account 17:51 it's a money record uh however 17:54 they have differing degrees of 17:58 acceptability 18:00 when i first started teaching in the 18:02 early 80s i would ask 18:04 my students what backs up the us dollar 18:08 and the majority of students would say 18:10 gold well that wasn't true 18:13 we had gone off the gold standard in the 18:15 early 70s 18:17 when president nixon left the bretton 18:19 woods system 18:20 so it wasn't true even then but what i 18:23 would do is 18:24 i would take my take out my wallet and i 18:27 would take out a one dollar bill 18:29 and i would read to them what it says it 18:32 says 18:32 this note is legal tender for all debts 18:35 public and private 18:36 then i would take out a canadian dollar 18:38 this note is legal tender 18:40 australian dollar this australian node 18:42 is legal tender 18:44 okay and so we see a pattern say oh 18:48 okay so what backs up the currency is 18:51 that it's legal tender 18:53 then i take out the uk pound there's a 18:56 picture of the queen 18:57 and the queen says i promise to pay the 18:59 bearer on demand the sum of five pounds 19:01 this is written on a five pound note 19:04 what she says is if you bring her a five 19:06 pound note 19:07 she will give you a five pound note or 19:11 some 19:11 sum of coins to total five pounds 19:15 okay so it's not gold 19:18 it's not legal tender i mean maybe 19:22 maybe not so what people 19:25 generally uh describe this 19:29 as is a fiat money 19:33 that its value is determined by fiat 19:37 the government just tells you what it's 19:38 worth 19:40 okay well that would be a fairly 19:43 flimsy thing to base 19:46 your financial system on 19:50 is just the government's fiat 19:53 we mmt argues that there's more than 19:57 that behind it 19:58 but it's not gold okay but there is 20:00 something 20:01 standing behind it we argue that 20:05 it is the uh the value of money 20:09 and the reason why currency is used 20:12 is because the power of the issuing 20:14 authority 20:16 okay so money records 20:19 are promises to redeem they are promises 20:23 to redeem 20:24 debts and when good heart 20:27 posed this question the way he answered 20:30 it is that 20:30 you know it's not a coincidence that we 20:32 see one nation one currency rule 20:35 the currency is tied up with sovereign 20:37 power 20:38 political independence and fiscal 20:41 authority 20:42 so there's no wonder that when the 20:44 soviet union broke apart 20:47 each new nation chose their own currency 20:51 they are expressing their political 20:54 independence 20:55 and their government is creating 20:58 a fiscal authority so what we focus on 21:02 what drives the currency is obligations 21:06 that a sovereign authority can put on 21:09 the population 21:11 for shorthand we say taxes drive money 21:14 today the main obligation that the 21:16 government puts on 21:17 people is tax but 21:20 if we go back a couple hundred years ago 21:23 the main obligations were 21:25 fees and fines in some cases tribute 21:29 in some cases tithes but it's an 21:32 obligation 21:33 to pay that the government is able to 21:36 put on 21:37 the population the government then 21:40 issues a currency denominated 21:44 in its money of account and accepts it 21:47 back in payment taxes 21:50 that is what we mean by the term 21:52 redemption 21:53 the currency is redeemed 21:56 when it is paid back to the issuer 22:02 to meet an obligation such as taxes 22:06 when taxes are paid both the government 22:08 and the taxpayer are redeemed 22:10 it's a simultaneous redemption 22:13 the taxpayer is redeemed because they 22:15 don't owe a tax anymore 22:17 the government is redeemed because the 22:19 currency 22:21 has been returned to the government uh 22:24 by the way 22:25 the our english word revenue 22:28 that we use for tax revenue means return 22:31 to what returns 22:34 the government's currency returns to 22:37 the government and i know you always 22:41 hear 22:42 about this fabulous innovation which was 22:44 double entry bookkeeping 22:46 but monetary 22:49 accounting is always quadruple entry 22:53 bookkeeping there are four entries that 22:56 are wiped clean 22:57 when you pay your tax okay you have an 23:00 asset and a liability 23:02 that are wiped clean and the government 23:04 has an asset and liability 23:06 wiped clean i want to give 23:09 one historical example i could go on and 23:12 on with ex with historical examples but 23:14 this one is particularly 23:15 clear so farley grubb is 23:19 one of the authorities on american 23:23 colonial currency the american colonies 23:28 were not allowed to issue coins so the 23:31 crown 23:32 of england would not allow them to 23:34 because the crown 23:35 wanted the colonies to use the crown's 23:38 old 23:38 own coins okay but there was a loophole 23:43 nothing said that they couldn't issue 23:46 paper money now paper money had been 23:49 issued in china 23:50 for a long time but this was i think the 23:52 first 23:53 big example of paper money being used in 23:56 the west 23:57 so the colonial legislatures would pass 24:00 a law that said 24:02 that permitted the government 24:05 to issue let's say 10 000 virginia 24:08 pounds 24:09 worth of notes at the same time 24:13 they would enact a new tax that imposed 24:16 what they called 24:18 a redemption tax a redemption tax 24:22 that was expected to raise about 10 000 24:25 pounds people could use 24:28 the paper money to pay their new tax 24:32 that created a demand for the paper 24:34 money and adam smith 24:36 the wealth of nations mentions this 24:39 in his book he said this strange thing 24:42 is going on in the colonies 24:44 they're issuing paper money and it's 24:47 accepted 24:48 and they don't get inflation as long as 24:51 they don't issue too much 24:53 okay so he noticed this 24:56 and it's very clear that these colonial 24:59 governments knew 25:00 what they were doing they called it a 25:02 redemption 25:03 tax the purpose of the tax 25:07 was not to obtain tax revenue in order 25:10 to spend 25:11 they knew they had to spend first then 25:14 tax 25:16 nobody could pay the tax if they had not 25:18 spent the notes 25:19 you spend first then you tax what do you 25:23 do with your tax revenue 25:25 you burn it you burn every note 25:29 that is used to pay taxes tax revenue is 25:32 not for spending tax revenue 25:36 is for burning okay 25:40 uh now there's nothing unusual about 25:43 this 25:44 this was also true all over europe most 25:47 of the 25:49 uh sovereign governments in europe 25:52 spent by issuing tally sticks wooden 25:55 sticks 25:57 and when they receive those back there 25:59 was a stock and a stub 26:01 when they received them back and matched 26:03 them they burned 26:04 the tally sticks okay what do you do 26:07 with tax revenue 26:09 you don't spend it you burn it what do 26:11 you do with coins 26:13 you melt them down any and 26:16 issue a new coinage okay so 26:20 taxes come after spending and you use 26:23 the revenue 26:25 for a fire 26:28 the way that it used to work was very 26:30 simple and it was very obvious 26:32 and i'm telling you the colonial 26:35 government's understood it 26:36 perfectly well you spend first 26:40 spend your currency collect it back in 26:43 taxes 26:44 and then you burn it now we don't do it 26:46 this way anymore 26:48 modern governments do not spend by 26:50 printing up money in spite of what 26:51 greenspan 26:52 said they don't spend that way okay 26:56 they spend through their central bank 27:00 and their central bank spends through 27:02 the private banks 27:04 so there are two degrees of separation 27:07 between the sovereign and the subject 27:10 two degrees of separation that makes it 27:13 so complicated economists can't 27:15 understand it 27:17 okay and so one of the things that mmt 27:20 did was 27:21 to investigate to see 27:26 is this diagram still true 27:30 it's just behind this veil of two 27:32 degrees of separation and the answer is 27:34 yes 27:35 it's just hidden behind a veil so we 27:38 peel back the veil 27:40 okay and so for 25 years 27:44 we've been explaining how governments 27:46 really spend 27:48 how they really spend they do not spend 27:50 tax revenue 27:52 and they do not spend paper notes into 27:54 existence 27:56 they use banks and central banks so this 27:59 is the way it actually works today 28:01 and i we've gone deeply into the details 28:05 okay i even though i'm peeling back the 28:08 veil i'm only peeling back a 28:10 little ways just enough to 28:13 explain uh in general terms how it's 28:15 done so 28:16 when the treasury is authorized to spend 28:21 they can issue a check that is received 28:25 by 28:25 let's say a contractor okay who's 28:28 building a bridge for the government 28:31 the contractor takes it to the bank 28:34 the bank credits the contractor's 28:37 deposit account 28:39 the bank sends the check on to the 28:41 central bank the central bank 28:43 credits the bank's reserves 28:47 so how does the government spend now the 28:50 central bank credits reserves 28:52 of private banks and private banks 28:55 credit the deposit accounts 28:57 of the contractors now today most of 29:00 this is just 29:00 electronic we don't even need the paper 29:03 checks anymore 29:04 it's all electronic entries okay 29:08 the key point is for every dollar or 29:11 every 29:12 pound the treasury spends bank reserves 29:14 go up by one dollar or one pound 29:18 okay by identity that's how they spend 29:22 what about paying taxes paying taxes 29:25 just reverses the steps 29:28 the taxpayer writes a check to the 29:30 treasury 29:32 the treasury sends it on to the central 29:35 bank 29:35 the central bank debits the bank's 29:38 reserves 29:39 and the bank debits the deposit account 29:41 of the taxpayer 29:42 and also this is mostly electronic 29:46 now so most people pay their taxes 29:48 electronically 29:50 so we don't even need the paper checks 29:52 it's just 29:53 an electronic debit of bank reserves 29:56 an electronic debit of the taxpayers 29:59 demand deposits 30:01 so let me summarize spending always 30:04 leads to 30:05 a credit to bank reserves and a credit 30:08 to a deposit account 30:10 taxing always reduces bank reserves 30:15 and reduces the taxpayers demand deposit 30:20 if spending is greater than taxing 30:24 that means reserves are net credited 30:28 because more reserves are added then 30:30 taken away 30:32 so that is how 30:35 that is the accounting 30:38 consequence of a budget deficit 30:41 it's a reduction of bank reserves uh 30:44 sorry an increase of bank reserve 30:46 a government surplus is a reduction of 30:48 bank reserves 30:50 okay so what does the central bank do 30:54 the sender mike facilitates payments buy 30:56 into the state 30:59 payments by the state e-flux money that 31:01 is gets it into the economy 31:04 taxes reflux money they don't finance 31:07 government spending they're used for 31:09 redemption 31:10 okay so they reduce uh the accounts 31:15 of the taxpayers and the reserves of the 31:20 banks bonds don't really finance the 31:23 deficit 31:25 if a deficit has occurred if government 31:28 spending has been greater than taxes 31:33 the uh it has already been paid for 31:37 by the credits to bank reserves and to 31:40 the accounts 31:41 of the recipients of the government 31:43 spending 31:45 the deficit has already been paid for 31:47 before the bonds are ever sold 31:49 the deficit is exposed it's after the 31:52 reflux of taxes 31:56 and you you over the course of the year 32:00 when you're spending a taxing you don't 32:02 even know 32:04 if at the end of the year you're going 32:07 to record a 32:08 budget surplus budget deficit or a 32:10 balanced budget 32:12 you won't know till the end of the year 32:14 and usually it takes several revisions 32:16 of the data 32:18 before you really know whether there was 32:20 a deficit at all 32:22 what that means is that as you're 32:25 spending over the course of the year 32:28 you don't know if you're gonna end up 32:30 with a deficit 32:31 which also means there's no such thing 32:34 as deficit spending 32:37 all spending is the same 32:40 at the time that it occurs you don't 32:43 even know whether you can have a budget 32:44 deficit or a budget surplus or a 32:46 balanced budget 32:47 you cannot know until the end of the 32:50 accounting period usually a year 32:54 bond issues then are not to finance 32:57 deficits they're actually functionally a 33:00 part of monetary policy 33:03 they're not a borrowing operation 33:06 sovereign governments actually don't 33:08 borrow their own currency 33:11 which would be a nonsensical operation 33:13 anyway 33:15 a sovereign government never needs to 33:17 borrow its own currency 33:19 it issues bonds for a different purpose 33:22 it issues bonds as part of monetary 33:24 policy 33:25 to help the central bank hit its 33:27 interest rate targets 33:29 and we see how nonsensical it is 33:34 to issue bonds uh 33:37 for the all the way since the global 33:40 financial crisis 33:41 because central banks have been engaged 33:42 in qe 33:44 what is qe it just means so you put some 33:46 bonds into the economy and then you took 33:48 them right back 33:49 out and the central bank is holding them 33:52 so the government is owing itself there 33:55 was never a need to issue those bonds in 33:57 the first place 33:59 okay and so this 34:03 is starting to be recognized 34:06 that selling bonds is not necessary 34:09 at all whether you have a deficit or not 34:12 because 34:12 sovereign governments don't borrow 34:17 the danger is excess spending not excess 34:19 money government spending takes one form 34:21 only 34:22 there's no such thing as a choice let's 34:24 see should i use tax revenue 34:26 or should i borrow or should i print 34:29 money there is no such choice 34:31 there's only one way you spend i already 34:33 described it 34:34 so congress or parliament authorizes the 34:37 spending treasury cuts the checks 34:39 the syndromic clears them by crediting 34:41 reserves the budgetary outcome is known 34:43 only exposed 34:45 okay as stephanie kelton my 34:49 former student and colleague always says 34:53 cash registers do not discriminate 34:56 cash register doesn't care if you came 34:58 from the government or you came from the 35:00 private sector 35:01 too much spending government or private 35:03 can cause inflation 35:06 keynes said true inflation only occurs 35:10 beyond full employment 35:12 okay if you're beyond full employment 35:14 you get what you what he called true 35:16 inflation 35:17 before full employment you can have 35:19 prices rising 35:20 but he called that semi-inflation not 35:23 true inflation 35:25 it occurs because of bottlenecks or 35:27 perhaps 35:28 pricing power could be labor unions 35:30 could be monopolists 35:32 that have pricing power and he he argued 35:35 against 35:35 using austerity uh it's doubtful 35:39 whether austerity ought to be used if 35:42 the inflation is coming from bottlenecks 35:45 or pricing power 35:46 and just as one example uh back in the 35:49 early 70s 1974 35:52 opec quadrupled the price of oil okay 35:54 it's pricing power 35:56 the united states chose to implement 35:59 austerity to fight 36:01 the rising prices induced by rising oil 36:05 prices 36:07 and we suffered ever since we never 36:09 really recovered from that 36:12 japan chose instead 36:15 to become energy efficient 36:18 to reduce their oil use per unit of 36:20 output 36:22 now which one of those two strategies 36:24 makes the most sense 36:26 obviously austerity made no sense 36:29 becoming energy efficient was the right 36:32 response 36:33 to an increase of oil prices 36:37 okay mmt is not a proposal to ramp up 36:40 deficit spending 36:42 uh people say see look at japan japan is 36:44 a good example of mmt because they have 36:46 huge deficits 36:48 well that's not an mmt proposal 36:52 we follow abba lerner's functional 36:54 finance approach 36:57 budgeting should be functional to pursue 36:59 full employment 37:00 moderate inflation sustainable growth 37:03 greater equality 37:05 environmental sustainability all of 37:08 those are in the public interest 37:12 and the budget ought to be pursuing that 37:14 the budgetary outcome 37:16 outcome in any case is exposed not 37:18 discretionary 37:19 japan has run high deficits and debt not 37:22 because it's following mmt 37:25 it's doing the opposite of mmt policy 37:28 recommendations 37:29 as i'll explain in a second but still 37:32 japan does validate 37:36 the core mmt arguments about sovereign 37:40 death 37:40 deficits and debt deficits do not lead 37:42 to inflation 37:43 japan's problem has been deflation 37:47 for a whole generation bond markets 37:50 cannot force default 37:52 in fact the bond markets want more 37:53 japanese debt 37:55 not less bond yields depend on central 37:58 bank policy 37:59 so japan has had near zero interest 38:01 rates for a whole generation 38:03 because that's the central bank policy 38:05 so it doesn't depend on the amount of 38:07 debt 38:09 what japan has been doing is following a 38:11 stop go stop policy so this is why we 38:14 say it's not mmt 38:15 since the collapse of the real estate 38:17 bubble japan has been 38:19 in and out of recession with sluggish 38:21 average growth 38:22 in recession they usually have some kind 38:25 of a fiscal stimulus 38:26 but as soon as the recovery begins they 38:28 take out the stimulus and they usually 38:30 enact some kind of a tax increase 38:32 especially on consumption 38:34 because they want to reduce the deficit 38:36 and retire some of the debt 38:38 so that is not mmt this pushes the 38:41 economy back into recession 38:43 and the deficit climbs so this is the 38:46 usual way that you get big deficits 38:50 and i call it the ugly way you get 38:52 deficits 38:53 you get deficits because growth 38:56 falls and so i came up with um 39:00 a simple graph uh to show that there are 39:04 always at least two ways to get a big 39:07 deficit 39:08 the first is the ugly way if you're at 39:10 point a you're 39:11 you've got some moderate growth 39:14 but the economy slows down then you will 39:18 produce a deficit 39:20 as you go into recession and you can 39:21 move to point b that's the ugly way 39:24 the pretty way to get a deficit is 39:27 you've got some moderate growth and you 39:29 would like to grow faster maybe you want 39:31 to implement a green new deal 39:33 so you start spending more you can move 39:35 up to point c 39:36 but point c is a higher deficit 39:40 with a higher growth rate that growth 39:43 rate 39:43 is going to reduce the deficit 39:47 because tax revenue will grow fast and 39:49 so you'll move to a point 39:51 something like point d so the point is 39:53 that 39:55 just because you have a high deficit 39:57 does not mean 39:59 that you're using fiscal stimulus you 40:01 can get a high deficit because tax 40:03 revenue collapses 40:06 deficits are exposed not discretionary 40:09 another way 40:10 you can get at the same thing that i've 40:12 been describing 40:13 is by using wynn godly's sectoral 40:16 balance approach 40:17 so as wind shows by identity 40:21 at the aggregate level the sum of 40:22 surpluses equals the sum of deficits 40:26 since income equals expenditure at the 40:29 aggregate level national income equals 40:30 national spending 40:32 for one sector to run a surplus at least 40:35 one other sector must run a deficit 40:38 so we can break up the sectors any way 40:41 we want we could have households 40:44 government corporations and rest of 40:46 world 40:47 uh that would be four sectors the one we 40:50 usually use is three sectors the 40:53 government sector 40:54 domestic private sector which is 40:56 households and firms together 40:58 and the foreign sector a country like 41:01 the us 41:02 and or the uk that runs 41:06 current account deficits most of the 41:08 time 41:10 typically we'll have a government 41:13 deficit 41:14 a domestic private sector surplus 41:18 and foreigners are also running 41:21 surpluses 41:22 against the country the only way to 41:25 reduce the government's deficit 41:27 is if one or both of the other sectors 41:30 adjust their balances 41:32 so either the domestic sector has to 41:35 reduce its private surplus 41:37 which is not a good idea that leads to 41:40 minsky type financial instability 41:43 or you have to get the rest of the world 41:46 to adjust 41:46 their balance against you which is 41:49 difficult you don't have 41:51 control over the economies of the rest 41:55 of the world 41:57 so the point is anyone who tells you 42:00 that the government ought to reduce its 42:02 deficit they have to explain to you 42:04 how they're going to get the domestic 42:06 private sector or the foreign sectors 42:09 to adjust their balances to allow that 42:12 to occur 42:13 it is not a simple result of 42:16 discretionary policy 42:18 okay let me finish by talking a bit 42:21 about the 42:23 crises we face the world faces 42:25 unprecedented and immediate challenges 42:29 human survival is threatened this is 42:31 probably 42:32 the greatest uh threat that humans have 42:35 ever faced 42:37 it will take coordinated and concerted 42:39 effort by the richest nations 42:41 why because they're the source of most 42:43 production 42:45 and they will they have been and will 42:47 remain 42:48 the source of most pollution so it's up 42:51 to 42:52 the rich developed countries to take 42:54 this on 42:55 the age of austerity has to end 42:58 we can learn from the experience of war 43:01 how do you 43:02 tackle a crisis well we learned a lot 43:05 from world war 43:06 ii in world war ii the government 43:08 absorbed 50 percent of gdp in the case 43:11 of the us 43:12 probably more in the case of the uk so 43:15 we moved 43:15 half of all the production to the war 43:18 effort 43:20 we're going to have to move more 43:21 resources to our effort to fight these 43:24 pandemics 43:26 how do we do it keynes explained how in 43:29 a little book 43:30 1940 how to pay for the war he set out 43:33 the plan 43:35 how are you going to move the resources 43:37 to the government without causing 43:38 massive inflation 43:40 because in every other big war both the 43:43 us and the uk had high 43:44 inflation we both had well 43:48 world war one was not a big war for us 43:50 it was a big war for you 43:51 you had high inflation in world war one 43:53 we had high inflation in the civil war 43:56 how can we prevent that kane said the 43:58 problem is 43:59 when you go into a big war of course 44:02 you're going to be beyond full 44:03 employment of resources 44:05 beyond full employment and 44:08 the government's spending is going to 44:10 create income for everybody everybody's 44:12 going to be working 44:13 even more hours than they want to work 44:15 you're going to be paying 44:16 them wages but there's hardly anything 44:18 for them to buy 44:20 because you move the production to the 44:22 war effort 44:23 how can you prevent inflation so he said 44:26 finding the money is not the problem 44:29 preventing inflation is the problem so 44:32 he recommended three principles 44:34 use deferred compensation to reward 44:37 workers don't pay them now 44:39 promise to pay them later second tax 44:41 higher income people 44:43 not because you need tax revenue 44:45 government doesn't spend tax revenue 44:47 you need to reduce their consumption 44:49 okay they don't need to consume 44:51 a lot they're already rich and third 44:54 maintain 44:55 adequate minimum standards for those 44:56 with lower income 44:58 uh jpeg foster 45:01 said similar thing he's an american 45:03 institutionalist 45:04 i just want to focus on the first thing 45:07 whatever 45:08 is technically feasible is financially 45:11 possible if we know how to do it and we 45:14 can find the resources 45:17 we can always afford it okay tackling 45:20 multiple pandemics comes down to 45:22 mobilizing the unemployed resources 45:25 shifting those that are already employed 45:27 and creating new ones 45:29 how do we shift them through taxes 45:32 postponed consumption 45:34 maybe patriotic saving rationing 45:37 regulations we did all of that in world 45:40 war ii 45:42 spending then allocates the resources as 45:44 desired to achieve the public purpose 45:46 and the good news is 45:49 taking on these pandemics including a 45:52 broad-ranging green new deal 45:55 is not going to take anything like 50 of 45:58 our nation's resources 46:00 our estimate of the green new deal is 46:03 the net increase in demand for resources 46:07 for a broad-based green new deal is only 46:09 five percent of gdp 46:11 so it's a small demand on resources 46:15 okay conclusion no change of procedures 46:18 is required to implement 46:20 our pandemic response the central bank 46:23 and treasury already know how to finance 46:25 it 46:26 the ultimate constraint is resources not 46:28 finance 46:29 the budgetary outcome is neither 46:31 discretionary 46:32 you can't control it nor is it something 46:35 to worry about 46:36 interest rates are determined by central 46:38 bank policy not by markets 46:40 inflation can be avoided by policy 46:42 focused on mobilizing resources 46:45 and releasing them as necessary as 46:47 keynes 46:48 explained so let me stop 46:52 sharing and 46:56 take questions uh thank you thank you 46:59 very much 47:00 for uh for this professor it was really 47:02 interesting 47:03 uh just to remind our viewers how to ask 47:05 questions you have the link 47:07 under which you can submit your question 47:09 on our um 47:11 on our facebook even and also in the 47:13 comments under this stream 47:15 that's going on now um and my first 47:18 question is about 47:19 what is different about mnt idea 47:22 response to the pandemic 47:24 compared to what mainstream like 47:26 economic 47:27 idea would be about what we should do so 47:30 many people would say that even before 47:32 pandemics in the reality of low interest 47:34 rates 47:35 and low inflation there there was a new 47:38 emerging consensus in the mainstream 47:40 economic that monetary policy is not 47:42 enough and we also need fiscal policy 47:45 to step into control inflation and now 47:48 uh 47:48 during pandemics it seems like not only 47:50 kenya but even like mental economics our 47:53 economics are advocating for huge fiscal 47:56 spending 47:57 so my question is why do we need mmt to 48:00 have the best 48:01 response to the pandemic what is there 48:03 uniquely about and 48:06 policy recommendation about how to 48:08 respond 48:09 to the pandemic that's different to what 48:12 other economists 48:13 say yeah well so 48:16 the the big difference is 48:19 that they believe you need very special 48:23 circumstances 48:25 in which you can expand 48:29 a fiscal policy without worrying about 48:32 inflation 48:33 and without worrying about interest rate 48:34 effects so 48:36 the special circumstances were that 48:39 inflation 48:40 has been low for quite a while and 48:42 interest rates 48:43 have been near zero so it's pretty easy 48:47 to have the growth rate above the 48:49 interest rate okay 48:51 we say you don't need any of those 48:52 conditions 48:54 okay the government cannot run out of 48:56 money 48:58 even if the interest rate were high or 49:01 above the growth 49:02 rate we can still afford to do this 49:06 but let me tell you already 49:09 larry summers and blanchard have started 49:13 worrying about inflation i i in fall of 49:16 2019 49:17 you're right fall of 2019 i sat side by 49:21 side with blanchard we gave testimony to 49:23 the us congress 49:25 we we had identical 49:29 views on uh our ability to expand 49:33 spending to do the green new deal he 49:35 agreed completely 49:37 don't worry is that because the interest 49:39 rate 49:40 is uh very low and probably going to be 49:44 below the growth rate 49:46 okay but he came out 49:49 uh last week along with larry summers 49:52 they're both warning about inflation oh 49:54 no 49:54 don't go too big they're saying that 49:57 biden's plan is too big and it's going 49:59 to be inflationary 50:01 okay so they are already backing off 50:04 that's the problem okay 50:07 uh so if you you come at it from 50:11 an orthodox uh basically view 50:15 um even though both of them are you know 50:17 keynesian orthodox they're 50:18 they're not monitors to orthodox uh 50:22 you're you're going to take your foot 50:24 off the pedal too 50:26 early which is what we did in the global 50:29 financial crisis too 50:30 and larry summers was behind that larry 50:33 summers was one of the people that kept 50:35 obama's 50:36 stimulus down to 800 billion we should 50:39 have had 50:40 four times more stimulus but all this 50:44 worry about the debt and inflation 50:48 forced them to keep the stimulus so 50:51 small that we did not fully recover 50:53 until 2018 50:56 more than 10 years okay 50:59 from the time that crisis first hit so 51:02 that's the problem 51:03 and during that whole period larry 51:05 summers saying oh we have secular 51:07 stagnation 51:08 well yes we do because we have austerity 51:14 thank you very much my second question 51:17 is about inflection so a lot of 51:18 criticism to mmt 51:20 relates to this prediction that a 51:22 monetary financing of deficit 51:24 would result in the inflation i believe 51:26 that he turned this position in 51:28 inflation warriors 51:29 uh so the solution that mit has to 51:33 prevent inflation 51:35 is that government can cut back on 51:37 deficit spending 51:38 or by raising taxes and the potential 51:42 worry about this solution 51:43 is that in practice politicians who make 51:45 decisions about fiscal policy 51:47 act act more in the response to what the 51:50 general public wants 51:52 but not necessarily what what is uh like 51:54 best for the economy 51:56 at the moment so the argument can be for 51:58 instance that government 51:59 is unlikely to raise taxes during a 52:02 period of high inflation where 52:04 when public is already upset about 52:06 rising price 52:08 so what would you say to unlike 52:09 inflation warrior 52:11 that that would argue that independent 52:13 central bank does a better job of 52:14 controlling inflation than products 52:20 let me uh save the independent central 52:23 bank 52:24 because this is a myth anyway so that 52:27 that's a whole 52:28 topic by itself a very good topic to 52:30 discuss 52:31 okay first there is no alternative 52:34 to money financing of spending whether 52:37 it's by the government 52:38 or by households it's always money 52:40 financed 52:42 that's how you spend okay the government 52:46 spending 52:46 is always money financed there is no 52:49 choice 52:50 okay there is no special kind of 52:53 spending 52:54 uh as i was saying so it's always money 52:57 financed 52:58 all government spending always requires 53:01 a credit 53:02 by the central bank to bank reserves 53:05 that's how the spending occurs this 53:08 isn't a joint 53:10 i hope that mmt would like to have more 53:13 of um 53:14 like more monetary finances of 53:16 government spending 53:17 than mainstream economy no 53:21 all we're doing is describing this is 53:23 not a policy proposal 53:25 we say that is how government spends it 53:28 has no other option 53:30 it spends you mentioned that you 53:33 disagree with people who who would like 53:36 to see a smaller 53:37 response to um to 53:40 like ongoing pandemics because these 53:43 people are more afraid about inflation 53:46 than 53:46 you are right uh well i'm sure there are 53:49 people who are more afraid of inflation 53:51 than i am yes 53:52 um uh i just said so uh 53:56 blanchard and summers are starting to 53:58 warn about it now i'll tell you 54:00 their view even for uh mainstream 54:03 economists 54:04 including say the people at the fed 54:06 right now uh 54:07 they uh they're they're outliers 54:12 our fed is not worried about inflation 54:15 okay 54:16 powell has come out and and uh 54:19 said they don't see any danger of 54:21 inflation 54:22 now we're going to get some price 54:24 increases 54:26 uh through the economy because we are 54:28 hitting a lot of bottlenecks 54:31 okay there are bottlenecks in shipping 54:33 there are bottlenecks in 54:35 the global supply chains because of 54:37 covet 54:38 and so we're going to see some prices 54:41 increasing 54:42 but as the factories reopen 54:46 as shipping resumes 54:49 these are going to be temporary so i 54:51 won't be surprised to see 54:53 some uh little glitches in the cpi 54:57 going up because some items will go up 55:00 in price 55:02 but when we're not going to get a 55:04 sustained inflation this is the view 55:06 of our fed right now too so 55:09 i don't think that uh mmt is an outlier 55:12 on this i think the 55:14 the um 55:17 the dominant view right now even among 55:19 fairly mainstream people 55:22 in america at least is that we're not 55:25 likely to get much inflation 55:27 from these packages let me also say 55:30 although we're calling it a biden 55:32 stimulus package it's not 55:34 a stimulus it's relief if you look at 55:37 the items 55:38 in the 1.9 trillion 55:42 this is mostly just relief it is not 55:44 providing income 55:45 that it's going to boost consumption 55:48 you're 55:49 you're relieving state and local 55:51 governments and school districts 55:53 that have lost a tremendous amount of 55:55 revenue 55:57 tax revenue has fallen through the floor 55:59 and so a lot of is just relief 56:02 so anyway i don't believe that story um 56:06 the idea that uh 56:09 democracy does not work 56:13 uh and so we need committees of experts 56:16 because we can't trust elected uh 56:20 representatives because uh 56:23 they are catering to the interests of 56:26 the people 56:26 who of the voters who elected them 56:31 is just anti-democratic 56:34 i mean that you know 56:37 we we need what is best for the economy 56:40 not what is best for people 56:42 i think that is crazy that's uh 56:46 elitist anti-democratic um 56:49 i don't share that view at all um i 56:52 think that we should be focused on what 56:54 is best for people 56:56 not what is best for this abstraction 56:59 which is the economy 57:00 something you cannot uh feel 57:04 touch here it's an abstract it's a 57:06 complete abstraction 57:08 um i don't i don't want what's best for 57:11 the economy i want what's best for 57:12 people 57:13 i want jobs i want health care 57:17 i want vaccinations 57:21 i want food energy 57:24 and a clean environment that's what we 57:26 should be focused on 57:28 and that's what politicians should be 57:29 focused on not 57:31 some uh abstract 57:34 thing that we call the economy okay 57:37 independent central bank sorry 57:39 i'm sure you have other questions but 57:41 central banks are not independent 57:43 they are creatures of the government 57:46 they're created by the government 57:48 um the the fed 57:51 it's always that it is a creature of 57:53 congress and the 57:54 the heads of the fed when they go to 57:56 congress uh bernanke 57:58 told congress several times that look if 58:00 you don't know what 58:02 if you don't like what we're doing tell 58:03 us to do something different 58:05 okay we're a creature of congress we 58:07 will do what you say 58:10 now when when people say that there are 58:12 two senses in which they 58:14 they say that the central bank is 58:16 independent 58:17 one of them uh is is true 58:20 although it's not a necessity and that 58:23 is usually 58:24 we let the central bank set the 58:26 overnight interest rate target 58:28 okay that is true in the u.s our fed 58:32 is independent to do that most of the 58:34 time 58:35 in in major wars sometimes we take that 58:37 away from them world war ii we took it 58:39 away 58:40 we said no uh the uh 58:43 executive branch is going to set the 58:45 interest rate not the central bank 58:47 then we gave them back their 58:49 independence at the end of the war 58:52 now people say then that's a good thing 58:55 because they can use the interest rate 58:57 to fight inflation so they can be the 59:00 warriors 59:00 the inflation worriers and the inflation 59:03 fighters 59:04 well unfortunately control over the 59:06 interest rate 59:08 is not a tool that gives you control 59:09 over the inflation rate 59:11 okay it just does not do it and uh 59:14 i've been saying that from basically the 59:17 day i started economics 59:20 and i the past 20 years has demonstrated 59:24 that central banks cannot increase the 59:27 inflation rate 59:28 they've done everything they could think 59:30 of to try to increase the inflation rate 59:33 they've all failed now before that 59:36 they'll say 59:37 well that's true but back we fought the 59:40 inflation in the 80s and 90s and we got 59:41 rid of it 59:42 i think that's also false they didn't 59:44 get rid of inflation 59:47 basically india and china got rid of 59:50 inflation for us 59:52 by bringing so many new low paid workers 59:54 into the global economy 59:57 they depressed wages in the west 60:01 and they reduced inflation it wasn't 60:03 central banks 60:06 the final way in which cinder banks are 60:09 supposed to be independent is 60:11 they're supposed to be the counter to 60:13 the congress or parliament 60:14 so supposedly congress and parliament 60:16 you know they're they're always catering 60:18 to the people who elected 60:20 them and so they're spending on all 60:23 sorts of goodies for the population 60:26 and they don't worry about inflation and 60:28 that's what causes inflation 60:29 and the good thing is that an 60:31 independent central bank can stop them 60:33 from doing it 60:34 how do they stop them well then you 60:36 wonder how do they stop them 60:39 central banks cannot say no 60:42 okay congress gives the treasury 60:46 the authorization to spend can 60:49 the fed take that away from the treasury 60:51 the answer is no 60:53 will the fed ever bounce a treasury 60:55 check 60:57 no will the bank of england 61:00 bounce treasury checks no 61:03 they're not going to bounce a check if 61:05 you start bouncing the treasury's check 61:08 you're going to lose faith in the 61:10 payment system 61:11 if treasury checks can bounce why would 61:13 you trust any other kind of check 61:15 so it's simply false central banks 61:18 cannot say no 61:19 now they might raise the interest rate 61:22 if the 61:23 if the uh budgetary outcome is a deficit 61:28 okay the only thing they do is raise the 61:29 interest rate they can't stop the 61:31 treasury from spending 61:32 and by raising the interest rate they're 61:34 going to increase treasury spending 61:37 because spending on interest will go up 61:41 so by trying to stop trying to stop the 61:43 treasury 61:44 from spending their increased treasury 61:46 spending there's nothing they can do 61:49 okay okay thank you so my last question 61:53 it's about developing countries 61:55 so this is like people's very often 61:57 criticized mmt talking about that that 61:59 is easy for 62:00 countries like the u.s not to care about 62:02 their debts when it's like 62:04 so easy to roll their them because their 62:06 their currency is dollar 62:08 but they said it would be more difficult 62:11 for for developing countries 62:12 so i wanted to ask you would you say 62:15 that there are any differences 62:16 in recommendations uh about how to 62:18 respond to the pandemics for the u.s and 62:21 for the developing countries 62:23 or do you think that basically as long 62:25 as developing countries 62:26 issue their own money it doesn't matter 62:29 um and it's like no difference 62:30 whatsoever and and they can follow 62:32 exactly the 62:33 policies that u.s can follow okay 62:36 now look developing countries vary a lot 62:39 because 62:40 some of them peg to the dollar 62:44 or to another international reserve 62:46 currency 62:47 that means they are severely constrained 62:50 in their ability to spend 62:51 because they are liable 62:55 to exchange their currency for u.s 62:57 dollars 62:58 they can be forced into bankruptcy okay 63:01 i mean there's no bankruptcy procedure 63:03 but they can default on their debts that 63:06 happens 63:07 my question is about countries that have 63:09 their own mind 63:10 okay so i want to make that clear 63:14 so the ones that uh 63:17 peg or that issue debt in foreign 63:19 currency 63:20 so there are countries that have their 63:22 own currency but they issue government 63:24 debt in u.s dollars 63:25 they're also very constrained so as long 63:28 as they 63:29 don't peg and 63:32 don't issue debt in foreign currency 63:35 they are able to use their currency 63:37 to mobilize their domestic resources 63:41 just as you are and we are okay 63:45 now their problem is that they probably 63:49 don't have the resources they need 63:53 to deal with the pandemic domestically 63:57 uh they're not necessarily able 64:00 to mobilize foreign resources with their 64:04 own currency 64:05 they face a constraint can the u.s 64:08 mobilize foreign resources with u.s 64:11 dollars 64:12 yes it can can britain yes 64:16 it can okay so we're not claiming 64:19 developing countries can do exactly the 64:21 same thing as u.s 64:23 domestically they can if they have 64:25 unemployed resources 64:27 they're able to create a 64:31 vax vaccine and produce the vaccine 64:35 then they they could 64:38 deal with the pandemic but of course i'm 64:40 not describing 64:42 reality for most developing countries 64:44 they cannot do it 64:45 they have to rely on imports and 64:49 their ability to import will depend on 64:51 their the demand for their currency 64:53 abroad 64:54 which could be very limited 64:59 okay i think that's uh thank you very 65:01 much for everything i think that's all 65:02 we have time for 65:04 today um and so thanks again for 65:07 thanks again for joining us for the 65:08 survive and have a loving 65:12 thank you bye 英語 (自動生成)



レイの動画の最後で、パンデミックへの対応が途上国とUSとで同じか、との質問に答えている。
レイの最初の答えは、途上国にも様々あって、ペッグしている国だとか外債に依存している国だとか、そのような場合はUSとは違う、ということだったが、質問者が、そうではない国の場合はどうなのか、と聞き直すと、レイは答え直す。その場合のパンデミックに対応するさいの制約は、動員すべき国内資源だ、ということ。それが国内になければ外国から輸入しなければならない、ということだと答えている。USなら可能だろうが、そうではない国もあると。外国がその国の通貨を求めているかに依存しており、非常に制限されていると。
この限りでは明確な答え。質問者も納得したようだった。

この女性、Alexandra ,Oxford Economic Societyのメンバーのようだが、大学院生だろうか、しっかりしているな。facebook.com/events/3605714…

https://www.facebook.com/events/d41d8cd9/randall-wray-modern-monetary-theory-its-influence-on-policy-responses-to-the-cov/3605714872861056/


リッキーさんがリツイートしていたレイの動画を見ている。この前の日経のとほぼ同じ。そのときは気づかなかったがInjections First then Leakage という言い方をしている。スペンディングファーストと同じぐらい重要なフレーズだと思う。



以下は2021/01/22より


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okay let me move to the mmt view on these so it's a completely different perspective we argue that you have to spend first then tax so it's not tax and spend it's spend then tax and we argue that that has always been the case for governments that issue their own currencies and so i give the analogy of the magician and the rabbit in the hat we go to the magician's show and we pretend that we're surprised when the magician could pull a rabbit out of the hat now we know of course the magician put the rabbit in the hat before he started the show you can't pull rabbits out of hats unless you put them in we argue that the same is true for tax payments when central banks finance government spending they credit bank reserves when taxes are paid those reserves are debited so what we're arguing is that since the only source of reserves is treasury spending central bank purchases of assets or central bank lending all the reserves have to come from the government before the taxes can be paid you have to put the reserve rabbits in the hat before you can pull them out and this sounds controversial but many of you who took principles of economics learned the injections and leakages approach those derived from the work of john maynard keynes in which it's argued that injections of income have to be put into the economy before they can leak out of the economy injections create income that can then finance leakages the most famous example in the textbooks is investment i use an i here has to come before saving s investment increases income through the multiplier for those who had principles of economics you know what i'm talking about and the savings rise as income rises generated by the increase of investment until the two are equal the same is true for government spending and taxes the relationship is exactly the same government spending is the injection g that increases income that can be taxed t.


 では、ここからMMTの理論をお話していきたいと思います。完全に違う視点なわけです。
 まず私たちが言っているのは、まず最初、支出をしてから税金をとるということなんです。税金を取ってから支出をするのではなくて、まず最初に政府が支出をしてから税金を取るのです。
 これはこの自分たちのところで自国通貨を発行する政府であればそうなのです。
 例えば、手品師みたいなものです。例えば、マジックショーにいきますよね。そして私たちはもちろん、マジシャンがこの帽子からウサギを出すとびっくりするようなふりをするのですけれども、もちろん当然ながら、このショーが始まる前に、ウサギはいたはずです。
 要するにウサギを入れてなければ出すことはできません。これが実際に税金でも同じことが言えるわけです。中央銀行が実際、政府の赤字に対して、資金を提供するときには銀行の預金をマイナスして税金を支払っているわけです。と言うことで、これが唯一、準備金、つまり財政支出をして、そして、中央銀行が、資産を買い入れる、あるいは貸し出しをする。
 すべてのリザーブというのは必ず政府からとんなきゃいけないと。そうしないと税金をしはらうことはできない。
 まず最初に、まずウサギを入れないといけないわけです。そうしないとウサギを取り出すことはできないからです。・・(音飛び)
・・収入とそして漏出というジョン・メイナード・ケインズの理論なんだと思います。つまり所得の注入、これをまず経済に注入しなければ、その所得が経済から流出することはできない。つまり注入が所得を生み、そしてそれがその漏出、流出、の財源となると。
 教材のもっとも有名な例というのは、Iつまり投資が、貯蓄の前、Sの前に必ず行われねばならないという例です。
 投資は乗数を通じて所得をあげます。皆様、経済理論を学んだ方々はご存知だと思います。
 そして貯蓄は、所得が上がると同時に上がり、そしてこれは投資を引き上げたことによる結果であり、その二つは同等である。
 それから政府の支出と税金についても同じ関係があるわけです。つまり政府の支出が、Injection、注入、Gであり。これが所得を引き上げ、その所得に対してT、税金が課税される。つまり政府の支出というのは必ず納税より前に行われなければならないということです。




3 件のコメント:

  1. pay their taxes 29:48 electronically 29:50 so we don't even need the paper checks 29:52 it's just 29:53 an electronic debit of bank reserves 29:56 an electronic debit of the taxpayers 29:59 demand deposits 30:01 so let me summarize spending always 30:04 leads to 30:05 a credit to bank reserves and a credit 30:08 to a deposit account 30:10 taxing always reduces bank reserves 30:15 and reduces the taxpayers demand deposit 30:20 if spending is greater than taxing 30:24 that means reserves are net credited 30:28 because more reserves are added then 30:30 taken away 30:32 so that is how 30:35 that is the accounting 30:38 consequence of a budget deficit 30:41 it's a reduction of bank reserves uh 30:44 sorry an increase of bank reserve 30:46 a government surplus is a reduction of 30:48 bank reserves 30:50 okay so what does the central bank do 30:54 the sender mike facilitates payments buy 30:56 into the state 30:59 payments by the state e-flux money that 31:01 is gets it into the economy 31:04 taxes reflux money they don't finance 31:07 government spending they're used for 31:09 redemption 31:10 okay so they reduce uh the accounts 31:15 of the taxpayers and the reserves of the 31:20 banks bonds don't really finance the 31:23 deficit 31:25 if a deficit has occurred if government 31:28 spending has been greater than taxes 31:33 the uh it has already been paid for 31:37 by the credits to bank reserves and to 31:40 the accounts 31:41 of the recipients of the government 31:43 spending 31:45 the deficit has already been paid for 31:47 before the bonds are ever sold 31:49 the deficit is exposed it's after the 31:52 reflux of taxes 31:56 and you you over the course of the year 32:00 when you're spending a taxing you don't 3

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  2. リッキーさんがリツイートしていたレイの動画を見ている。この前の日経のとほぼ同じ。そのときは気づかなかったがInjections First then Leakage という言い方をしている。スペンディングファーストと同じぐらい重要なフレーズだと思う。

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  3. 先に注入してからリークする

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